Welcome to the fifth installment in my examination of the highly secretive European network at times referred to as Le Cercle, Pinay Cercle or the Pinay Group (which has been described as an inner circle of Le Cercle in some accounts). Cercle emerged in the early 1950s as an offshoot of the United Europe movement, with many of its early backers coming form the ranks of the Pan-European Union (PEU) and especially Otto von Habsburg's European Centre of Documentation and Information (CEDI). Virtually all of the major players in Le Cercle's early days had backgrounds in the intelligence services of Western Europe, the Vatican and, later, the United States.
As was noted in the first installment, there was much overlap between Le Cercle and the CIA-backed European Movement and the Bilderberg Group in the early days with Eastern Establishment luminaries such as David Rockefeller, Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski being covertly recruited into the group by the late 1960s. But it would be a mistake, however, to dismiss Le Cercle as a mere auxiliary of the Bilderberg Group as many have.
|the Bilderberg hotel from which the group derived its name|
With part two I began to consider the two figures chiefly responsible for turning Cercle into a major international force: former French prime minister and sometimes namesake Antoine Pinay and fellow Frenchman Jean Violet, who has been linked to the intelligence services of France, West Germany and the Vatican as well as possible involvement in the proto-fascist La Cagoule in 1930s France. La Cagoule has of course long been accused of involvement in Martinism and synarchy, which was also addressed in that installment.
The third installment considered two organizations, the Brussels-based Academie Europeenne des Sciences Politiques (AESP, often referred to simply as the Academy) and Briton Brian Crozier's 61 network, that effectively served as Le Cercle's own private intelligence network from the early 1970s up until the late 1980s. In 1979, upon the death of Academy founder Florimond Damman (a long time member of the CEDI and a very close associate of Violet and Crozier's), the remnants of the AESP were rolled into the 6I creating quite a formidable private intelligence network for Le Cercle.
The 6I network alone is reputed to have played a key role in Margaret Thatcher's rise to power, which some have referred to as a silent coup. Even more disturbing, however, is the fact that both the Academy and 6I as were deeply implicated in pedophile networks in Belgium and the United Kingdom catering towards elites. These networks were linked to the ones exposed in the wake of the Dutroux affair and the Westminster allegations (which were given new life after the revelations concerning Jimmy Savile), respectively.
In part four I broke down several of the other organizations that comprised the Cercle complex. These organizations include the American Security Council (ASC, addressed at length before here), the World Anti-Communist League (WACL, addressed at length before here), Aginter Press (addressed before here and here), Propaganda Due (P2, addressed before here), the National Strategic Information Center (NSIC), the International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture (ICDCC), the Unification Church, the Family/Fellowship (addressed at length before here), the Heritage Foundation and the Safari Club.
All of these organizations had extensive ties to the intelligence services of Western Europe, the United States and several other "partner" nations. The ASC and the WACL were, much like Le Cercle itself, combination think tank/lobby groups and private intelligence networks with an international reach. Both Aginter and P2 were extensively linked to acts of terrorism (as noted before here) while the ICDCC, the Unification Church, the Family and the Heritage Foundation played a major role in the rise of the modern American Christian fundamentalist movement and the modern conservative movement in general. Meanwhile the Safari Club played a key role in the rise of militant Islam in Afghanistan.
These things combined with the presence of so many Maltese knights, Opusians and other Catholic extremists in its ranks of Le Cercle led this researcher to dub the organization a proponent of clerical fascism. Certainly there is little disputing Le Cercle's decades of support for religious extremism of various stripes but especially of the Christian variety.
But there is an even darker aspect of Le Cercle that has only been little touched upon up to this point. Certainly the astute reader has begun to notice that, despite the abundance of Christian and even Islamic extremists within its ranks, there is also ample evidence of occult trappings behind the order as well. What's more, there are truly shocking ties to pedophile networks that span the globe. Already those involved in Belgium and Britain have been examined at length before. As was noted in the third installment, leading figures of both the Belgium and British Cerlce wings have been deeply implicated in pedophilia (including at least three former British Cercle chairmen). Nor are the Belgium and British scandals the only evidence of institutional pedophilia being committed by Le Cercle.
Before delving more deeper into these topics I need to pause now and consider two more organizations that were a part of the Cercle complex. These were left out of the prior installment as I felt it made more sense to address them here as they cut to the heart of Cercle's dealings in the occult and pedophilia. So on to the first group.
"Albertini was irremediably tainted by a Fascist and collaborationist background. Despite his great qualities, he lacked critical judgment at times of crisis. He was also short of luck. As a very young man, in the 1930s, had been a Socialist, joining the entourage of the Prime Minister of Popular Front days, Leon Blum. He then switched to the Fascist, as many others had done, and joined the group of Marcel Deat (who had also been a Socialist, but had turned to Fascism, largely because of despair over the failures and inefficiency of the parliamentary system of France's Third Republic).
"When the war came, Deat and the young Albertini had become collaborators. More precisely, Deat collaborated with the Nazis when they invaded France, while Albertini joined the Vichy government as a member of the Secretariat of Marshall Petain's Pierre Laval. This was indeed the choice of the overwhelming majority of the French people, who had rallied to Petain as the hero of Verdun in 1917 and the one man who could save the country after its catastrophic defeat by Hitler. Only a tiny minority had chosen the lonely path of resistance advocated by General de Gaulle.
"After the liberation of France by the Allies, Albertini paid dearly for having made the wrong choice. He was jailed for two years for collaboration. From my SDECE friend, Antoine Bonnemaison, I learned that he was initially condemned to death but reprieved.
"After his release, he changed his views by 180 degrees, in economics as well as politics. He dropped socialism in favor of enterprise and the market economy. From Vichy and collaboration, he became an ardent Gaullist. For many years, he held two jobs. In the mornings, he was political adviser to the merchant bank and business consortium, Worms. In the afternoons, he crossed the Boulevard Haussmann to run his fortnightly Est & Ouest, the most authoritative publication in the French language on the problems of Communism. Having accurately predicted the seizure of the Suez Canal by Colonel Nassar in 1956, well ahead of the event, he saved millions for the shareholders of the Compagnie Universelle du Canal de Suez, and his morning job was safe for life.
"There was more to him, however, then his combination of jobs. He had built up a huge network of informants and helpers and was increasingly consulted by those in high offices of state to which he had ceased to aspire. Moreover, he and Georges Pompidou had been at school together, and during the Pompidou presidency and beyond he was true eminence grise for the Elysee."
(Free Agent, Brian Crozier, pg. 103)
"Georges Albertini, one of the mainstays of post-war French anti-communism, had had a controversial war-time past: a former right-hand man of the pro-Nazi collaborator Marcel Déat during the Occupation, Albertini had been a member of the Vichy administration working in the Secretariat of the Vichy Prime Minister Pierre Laval. After being jailed for two years for collaboration, during which time he shared a cell with banker Hippolyte Worms, Albertini became an ardent Gaullist, helped by his schooltime days with Georges Pompidou. Through his contacts in politics and his work as a political advisor to the Worms banking and business consortium, Albertini set up "a huge network of informants and helpers", working as an 'Honourable Correspondent' of the SDECE and as an unofficial advisor to both Pompidou and later Jacques Chirac. Albertini was a longstanding associate of Antoine Pinay: both men had attended a series of conferences on Soviet political warfare organised in 1960-61 by Suzanne Labin, future mainstay of WACL's French section (46). Albertini's Centre d'Archives et de Documentation politique et sociale also produced the fortnightly magazine Est et Ouest, 'the most authoritative publication in the French language on the problems of Communism' in Crozier's view, a publication which may well have been part of the Interdoc network (47). As well as serving as one of the major channels for anti-Socialist propaganda in France in the mid-1970s, Albertini would also become closely involved in the Cercle complex, publishing the ISC's output in French, attending Cercle meetings and playing a significant part in Crozier's private intelligence service, the 6I."
(Rogue Agents, David Teacher, pgs. 28-29)
"... collaboration with Germany could count on more than enough eager supporters among French industrial and banking interests – in short, among those who even before the war had turned to Nazi Germany and had looked to Hitler as the savior of Europe from Communism. These were the elements which had originally backed Petain and Weygand – elements that stuck to the program after both these men had begun to back away from it. These people were as good fascists as any in Europe. They dreaded the Popular Front like the plague and were convinced that they could prosper even under Hitler's iron rod. Many of them had long had extensive and intimate business relations with German interest and were still dreaming of a new system of 'synarchy,' which meant government of Europe on fascist principles by an international brotherhood of financiers and industrialists. Laval had long been associated with this group. Darlan, though not one of the 'boys,' was clever enough to take them into camp. If they worshiped Laval, they served Darlan, as they would have served anyone who played the game...
"Many important banking groups must be included in this category: the Banque Nationale pour le Commerce et l'Industrie (which was Laval's group par excellence), the Banque de l'Indochine (of which Baudoin was the chief), the Banque de Paris et des Pays Bas, and others. But peculiarly identified with the Darlan regime was the Banque Worms et Cie, headed by Hippolyte Worms, with Gabriel Leroy-Ladurie and Jacques Barnaud as the dominant figures. To realize the extent to which members of the Banque Worms group had been taken into the government by the autumn 1941 a brief survey of the council of the Secretaries of State will be profitable...
"From this list it appears at once that practically every minister or secretaryship touching economic affairs was in the hands of one or another of the Worms clique. Many of them, like Pucheu, Bouthillier, Barnaud, and Lehideux were able men – as able as they were self-interested and unscrupulous. Pucheu, of whom quite a bit became known through his trial for treason, was an excellent organizer and a man who, in point of ambition, was hardly second to Darlan himself. He had been closely associated with the Cagoulard and other prewar fascist movements. As an agent of the Cartel Siderurgique he had sought to promote co-operation between French and German heavy industry. In other words, he, like several of the others, had a collaborationist past and was not only willing but eager to join up with the enemy. Darlan could count on these men, who not only arranged for the shipment of goods and manufactured products to Germany, but also served as go-betweens in arranging the transfer of French manufacturing establishments to German ownership or control. Needless to say, they turned a pretty penny in the process and furthered their own affairs at the same time. This economic collaboration, which was a very real thing from the outset, was not affected by the vicissitudes of political collaboration. It was well-established before the war and served well the purpose of both German and French interest."
(Our Vichy Gamble, William L. Langer, pgs. 167-170)
"... Born in 1935 in New Orleans, Butler at one time or another has been a male model, a Fuller Brush salesman, and an Army public relations man. His political predilections led him to toy with the Birch Society and to speak before White Citizens Councils. In 1960 he became executive director of a New Orleans anti-Castro group called the Free Voice of Latin America. 'This young man's ultra-right-wing views were not only embarrassing but in my opinion dangerous,' a former Free Voice official recalls. 'He could think of nothing but the danger of some global-encircling communist conspiracy and that it was the primary goal of the Free Voice to forewarn the people of Latin America.'
"Ousted from the Free Voice, Butler formed the Information Council of the Americas (INCA) and persuaded several Free Voice directors to join him. Dr. Alton Ochsner, a prominent New Orleans ultraconservative who heads the widely known Ochsner Clinic, was installed as president, and other civic lights accepted lesser post. INCA literature blossomed with an International Advisory Committee that included Herbert Philbrick, retired National Air Lines chairman Dudley Swim, and Earl A. Emerson, once chairman of Armco Steel. And Frawley has later been added. In 1965 Butler and INCA were lauded on the floor of Congress by Louisiana's Hale Boggs, and Senators Karl Mundt and Everett Dirksen later followed suit. As the Free Voice official put it, 'I'm continuously amazed by Butler's Orwellian use of conceptual words and by his uncanny ability to impress his odd definition of men of high office.' "
(Power of the Right, William Turner, pg. 185)
"Employees of the banana companies, to begin with, were involved with Oswald himself. It was for example a Standard Fruit employee, Manuel Gil, who arranged for and managed the Bill Stuckey program that aired the televised Oswald-Bringuier 'debate' (the footage used on November 22 to tell the world that Oswald was a dishonest, Marxist, Castro sympathizer). It is true the Gil (a veteran of the New Orleans CRC) probably did so as an associate of Ed Butler's INCA, the Information Council of the Americas, a New Orleans right-wing propaganda operation that almost certainly did work for the CIA. But so many Standard Fruit employees were associated with INCA that one may perhaps conclude that Standard Fruit, at least as much as the CIA, was sponsoring INCA's propaganda activities in Latin America. As I wrote in a monograph submitted to Robert Blakely and the House Committee on Assassinations,
Standard Fruit's employees at INCA included its General Counsel Eberhard Deutsch (Jim Garrison's former law partner and political mentor); Cuban refugee activist and CRC veteran Manuel Gill... and William I. Monaghan, who later resigned and joined Oswald at the William B. Reiley [coffee] Company. And a 'Charter Member' of INCA was Standard Fruit's Director Seymour Weiss, a veteran anticommunist and political heavy from the Huey Long era. Weiss was said to have run New Orleans for the National Crime Syndicate along with the more famous mafioso Carlos Marcello.
Many U.S. multinational supported INCA, through foundation such as the Cordell Hull Foundation. INCA's anti-Communist activities in Latin America, in practice, meant opposing all political parties advocating nationalization of U.S. corporations. Thus INCA clearly served the economic interest of U.S. firms doing business there."
(Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, Peter Dale Scott, pgs. 94-95)
"Paul Schafer was one of the founders of the Colony of Righteousness and was, and is, its only leader. Schafer jumped bail in Germany in 1961 on charges of child sexual abuse, but that did not stop him from taking a group of families with him when he fled to Chile, arriving there in 1962 at the age of 40 with around sixty 'blond, blue-eyed settlers'... including some children who were brought there under false pretenses, taken from their families back in Germany. His flock came from the town of Siegburg, across the Rhine from Bonn, where Schafer claimed to be a psychologist, and where he ran the youth home where the sexual-abuse charges originated. Schafer, also the leader of a Baptist sect (a sect which evidently condones sexual intercourse between adults and children among other peculiarities), bought an old ranch called El Lavafero about 250 miles south of Santiago in the Parral region and quickly converted it into a self-sufficient, model community known as Colonia Dignidad, the 'Colony of Righteousness' or 'Dignity Colony.'
"The population of the Colony eventually grew to about 350, composed of 250 adults and 100 children. According to reports in the Chilean and German press, the sexes are rigorously separated and sexual intercourse is forbidden (except, one gathers, at the discretion of Schafer). And since sex is prohibited, the only way the Colony has been able to increase its population has been by 'importing' children from Germany. German authorities have been investigating charges that from thirty to forty children reported missing from the Bonn and Cologne areas have wound up at the Colony. Thus, charges of both child abuse and international child abductions have been leveled at this remote cult community by eyewitnesses, escapees, and responsible members of the West German and Chilean governments. The parallels between Colonia Dignidad and the stories told by 'satanic cult survivors,' however, are even stronger...
"Accounts of the size of the Colony vary from news report to news report. Everything from 12,000 acres to 37,000 acres has been offered, and accounts of its operations also include a mine, a lumber mill, and a gravel factory. The author believes it is safe to say that the county has grown considerably over the years and that estimates of a 37,000-acre settlement might not be far from the mark, considering the other purposes to which the Colony was put both during and after the Allenda regime...
"... in 1966, the first of many accusations against Schafer and the Colony surfaced when Wolfgang Muller escaped the 'watchdogs, electronic alarms and six-foot barbed wire fences' to describe life inside the Colony. Muller – who had been brought over from Germany as a member of the original Siegburg group when he was sixteen – claimed that he had been forced into slave labor at the Colony, was beaten, and had been sexually abused by Schafer in Germany when he was twelve years old. One of Muller's most interesting claims – especially in light of later events – is his insistence that Schafer had given him 'memory-altering drugs' when Mueller attempted to rebel or to reveal the details of his abuse at Schafer's hands. He also complained of electroshock treatments being administered by camp doctors... After his third escape, he wound up at the West German embassy in Santiago and now lives in that country under an assumed name, still afraid for his life.
"Muller also revealed the existence of several former Nazis who lived at the Colony but denied that Nazism was part of the Colony's ideology. Later that same year, another escapee –Wilhelmine Lindeman – appeared with the same story of mind-altering drugs. This time, there was medical proof of her story: doctors discovered evidence of injections on her body."
(Unholy Alliance, Peter Levenda, pgs. 313-315)
"... it was also revealed that Colonia Dignidad was an important node in the communications network of Operation Condor: the multinational effort by Chile, Argentina, and other South American dictatorships to run guns, launder money, assassinate political opponents in the Americas and elsewhere in the world, and to develop weapons of mass destruction such as chemical and biological weapons."
(The Hitler Legacy, Peter Levenda, pg. 171)
"These offshore events in 1976 were mirrored by similar arrangements for off-loading former CIA agents and operators in Latin America. This was the Confederacion Anticomunista Latinoamericana (CAL) and its death-squad collaboration Operation Condor. Operation Condor was a coalition of intelligence agencies of CAL countries, chiefly Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Paraguay. The CAL was funded through the World Anti-Communist League by the governments of South Korea and Taiwan and – once again – the petrodollars of Saudi Arabia."
(The Road to 9/11, Peter Dale Scott, pg. 63)
|the regions in which Condor was active|
"The AESP and the ISC were not the only Cercle associates to support these campaigns; the Cercle's German friends also contributed. As we have seen, the German pillars of the Cercle throughout the 1970s had been Strauß's CSU, represented by Cercle/6I member Count Hans Huyn, and the Swiss group ISP, run by AESP partner Karl Friedrich Grau. In 1977, the Cercle's German friends set up a specialised group to support the campaigns on religious freedom being run by the ISC and the AESP – a German equivalent to the earlier British-based CSRC/Keston College.
"This new group was the Brüsewitz Centre, a 'Christian' group whose aim was to 'publicise human rights violations and particularly the violations of the freedom of worship in the so-called German Democratic Republic'. The Brüsewitz Centre was named after Oskar Brüsewitz, an East German priest who burned himself alive in August 1976; the priest's widow tried in vain to prevent the group using his name. The founding body for the Brüsewitz Centre was the Christlich- Paneuropäische Studienwerk [Christian Paneuropean Study Group], founded in July 1977 and chaired by Otto von Habsburg's teenage daughter, Walburga von Habsburg (334)*. The Brüsewitz Centre's Board included several well-known faces: Habsburg, Huyn and Merkatz, all three CEDI members and early associates of the AESP. On the Board of the Brüsewitz Centre, we also find the Czech exile Ludek Pachmann, whom we have already met as a speaker for Grau's ISP in 1975-76 along with Habsburg and Huyn. Habsburg, Merkatz and Pachmann of the Brüsewitz Board would all also serve on the Board of Amnesty International's right-wing rival, the IGfM.
"The Brüsewitz Centre's Board also included five other Germans who would crop up in later Cercle operations in the 1980s..."
(Rogue Agents, David Teacher, pg. 157)
"The third Brüsewitz Board member of note was Dr. Lothar Bossle, a member of the Central Committee of German Catholics, President of the Katholische Deutsche Akademikerschaft [Catholic German Academic Society] and one of the most vocal opponents of liberation theology. Having been a socialist student activist in his youth, Bossle would switch to the CDU in 1959; from 1960 to 1963, he worked at the German Army School in Koblenz before being assisted by Filbinger in becoming Professor at the Pedagogical High School in Lörrach. In 1972, Bossle was active within the Aktion der Mitte group which used industry millions from Axel Springer and others to publish election propaganda against the socialist-liberal coalition ('One dose of socialism – from 1933 to 1945 – was quite enough!'); in 1974, he was a cofounder of the pro-CSU campaign group KDK. In 1975, he courted controversy in calling Allende a 'socialist Hitler' and then applying the same treatment to Willy Brandt and Olof Palme. Bossle would become one of Pinochet's most fervent supporters in Germany ('Chile is on the path to true democracy') and a key contact person for Colonia Dignidad, the German group in Chile linked to the Chilean secret service DINA, which Bossle visited at least four times (335)*...
"More significantly, whilst at Würzburg, Bossle would act as Director and later President of the Institut für Demokratieforschung [IfD, Institute for Democracy Research], one of whose Vice-Presidents was Cercle member Count Hans Huyn. In 1977, the IfD published Huyn's contribution to the Cercle's post-Helsinki human rights campaign, Menschenrechte und Selbstbestimmung (Human rights and selfdetermination); in 1974, Huyn had been a co-founder of the Swiss-based Europäische Konferenz für Menschenrechte und Selbstbestimmung [EKMS, European Conference for Human Rights and Self-Determination], another forum for the Cercle complex which would work closely with Sager's SOI throughout the 1980s. In 1977, the IfD would also support the fledgling Brüsewitz Centre, publishing the report Oskar Brüsewitz: Sein Protest – sein Tod – seine Mahnung [Oskar Brüsewitz: his protest – his death – his warning]. In 1979, the IfD would publish a German version of Crozier's February 1978 Conflict Study Surrogate Forces of the Soviet Union, and Bossle would organise a 1979 conference by Crozier at the Sociological Institute of Würzburg University (337)*.
"Bossle's IfD had extensive intelligence contacts - the IfD's scientific director was prominent CDU MP and later Brüsewitz Board member Heinrich Lummer, whose numerous Libyan trips were financed by the BND; the deputy scientific director was former Major-General Gerd Helmut Komossa, from 1977 to 1980 head of Germany's military security service, the MAD.
"Bossle's close associate on the Board of the IfD was Prof. Dieter Blumenwitz. Professor of International and Constitutional Law at Würzburg University from 1976 on, Blumenwitz had represented Bavaria before the Federal Constitutional Court in summer 1973 in an ultimately unsuccessful attempt to prevent the conclusion of the Basic Treaty governing relations between East and West Germany. Blumenwitz shared Bossle's close links with Chile and reportedly visited Colonia Dignidad with Bossle. In 1979, Blumenwitz was one of the co-authors with Crozier of Pinochet's Chilean Constitution; in 1980, Blumenwitz intervened on behalf of Colonia Dignidad in legal proceedings seeking to block Amnesty International's German section from publishing allegations that the colony had served as a secret DINA torture centre (338)*. Like many of the Cercle's German friends, Blumenwitz was also a Board Member of the IGfM and an advisor to and author for the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung."
(Rogue Agents, David Teacher, pgs. 158-159)
King seemed poised to become a major national figure, but then the bottom suddenly fell out from underneath him in late 1988. King was the manager of the Franklin Community Federal Credit Union, and on November 4 it was raided by federal agents. It was ultimately concluded that nearly $40 million had been stolen from the credit union and King found himself being indicted on 40 counts that included conspiracy, fraud and embezzlement.
But this was only the beginning of King's problems. In 1989 several children came forward and alleged that King was the head of a pedophile ring that pimped out minors to powerful local figures and even those in Washington, D.C. Boy's Town, the legendary Catholic orphanages, was also implicated in this scandal, being accused of offering up children for this network.
|Larry E. King|
"Though child-abuse charges were never brought against King, Paul Bonacci and John DeCamp pursued federal civil lawsuits against King and other alleged pedophiles Bonacci named as his assailants. US District Court Judge Warren Urbom declared Bonacci's accusations of Satanism and sadism to be unsubstantiated and 'bizarre,' and he dismissed all but one of the lawsuits filed by DeCamp – Larry King was incarcerated for looting the Franklin Credit Union when Bonacci's lawsuits were initiated, and he didn't bother to respond to the court summons.
"Judge Urbom therefore granted Bonacci a default judgment against King. DeCamp then requested a hearing on the single issue of damages, and called Bonacci to stand along with other witnesses who corroborated his 'bizarre' accusations. After Judge Urbom listened to the testimony, he awarded Paul Bonacci a one million dollar judgment. The ruling was based upon some of the horrific events that Bonacci related to me.
"Judge Urbom wrote in his decision, 'Between December 1980 and 1988, the complaint alleges, the defendant King continually subjected the plaintiff to repeated sexual assaults, false imprisonment, infliction of extreme emotional distress, organized and directed satanic rituals, force the plaintiff to "scavenge" for children to be part of the defendant King's sexual abuse and pornography ring, forced the plaintiff to engage in numerous sexual contacts with the defendant King and others and participate in deviant sexual games and masochistic orgies with other minor children. The defendant King's default has made those allegations true as to him. The issue now is the relief to be granted monetarily.' "
(The Franklin Scandal, Nick Bryant, pgs. 27-28)
For those of you interested, here is a long banned documentary on Franklin originally produced by the Discovery Channel in 1994 that will provide more details on the allegations surrounding Franklin:
As for the possible ties Franklin had to Le Cercle, they are tenuous. As I already noted before here, there have been allegations that the King pedophile ring was linked to the one in Belgium via the notorious public relations specialist Robert Keith Gray. Gray hailed from Nebraska originally and was said to be a close friend of Harold Anderson, the publisher of the Omaha World-Herald and an individual implicated in King's pedophile ring.
Gray worked for many years for the legendary PR firm Hill & Knowlton, but departed by 1981 to form his own PR firm. In the early 1980s, Douglas MacArthur II was involved with Hill & Knowlton around the same time he chaired the European Institute of Management (EIM), a private security firm linked to terrorism and pedophile rings in Belgium (as noted before here). MacArthur II and the EIM group both had ties to Le Cercle, but this researcher has found nothing to indicate that MacArthur II personally knew Gray or that they had been working at Hill & Knowlton together at the same time. Thus, it does not seem very likely that Gray was a bridge between Le Cercle and Franklin.
|Robert Keith Gray|
"Direct ties of Larry King to persons and institutions active in Iran-Contra are a matter of public record. In 1987, according to the World Herald, King donated $25,350 to Citizens for America, a group that sponsored speaking tours for Oliver North and Contra leaders. CFA was a key public relations group for Iran-Contra; King was a founding member and one of its largest contributors.
"According to his May 22, 1989 interview with Omaha radio station KKAR, King was trying to bring North to Nebraska. A former security guard for King has sworn that he saw North attend at least one of King's parties, a party at which children were also present. Since he was stationed outside, he has no knowledge of what might have happened inside. 'I just thought it seemed kind of curious, the whole set-up,' he said.
"The head of CFA, David Carmen, was a partner in Carmen, Carmen and Hugel, the public relations firm hired by Larry King to help set up one of his other projects, the Council for Minority Americans. It is alleged that Carmen, Carmen and Hugel was one of King's direct links to the CIA.
"Another of the PR firm's partners was Max Hugel, formerly deputy director in charge of covert operations, under the late William Casey at the CIA. Hugel earned the post for services rendered in the 1980 Reagan-Bush campaign. Larry King met Hugel back then, since one of Hugel's responsibilities for the campaign committee was out-reach and liaison work with minority groups. Brought to the agency by Casey in 1981, Hugel lasted only a few months at the CIA and was forced out under a cloud of scandal.
"King had a third friend at Carmen, Carmen and Hugel – Ambassador Garald Carmen, the father of David. 'What was Larry King doing with Ambassador Carmen?' reflected a Washington intelligence specialist. 'It was the diplomatic pouches.... Larry had even been lobbying for his appointment as an overseas ambassador.' According to a Washington Times report of December 15, 1988, King did seek ambassadorial appointment. One source specified that he wanted to represent the United States in Jamaica, where his wife, Alice, was born.
"During the height of Iran-Contra activities, 1984-86, Ambassador Carmen was in the right place to have served as bag man. He was U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland in 1984 through 1986. The United States ambassador to Switzerland in that period was Faith Whittlesey, who was depositioned by the congressional committee investigating Iran-Contra Oliver North's multiple secret bank accounts were located at Credit Suisse. When Carmen left the diplomatic service in 1986, Carmen, Carmen and Hugel was and remained deeply involved in Nicaragua. According to the intelligence newsletter Unclassified (December 1990-January 1991), the Carmen group under a National Endowment for Democracy contract, handled the U.S. activities of the Violeta Chamorro campaign in the Nicaraguan elections.
"If King was involved with CIA money laundering, that jibes with a report from a member of Concerned Parents: 'I heard from two different black people in North Omaha that King used to send limousines down to Offutt Air Base [home of the Strategic Air Command] to pick up CIA personnel for parties.
"The sometimes expansive Larry King used to talk fondly about his friends. In a Sept. 7, 1988, interview with the Metropolitan King said, 'I know some of the people I admire aren't very popular. Ed Meese. The late Bill Casey of the CIA. And I love former Chief Justice Burger. Those are the people I really like to talk to. Bill Casey.... I just thought so very highly of him.' "
(The Franklin Cover-Up, John DeCamp, pgs. 173-175)
Much more compelling is King's alleged relationship with Max Hugel. Hugel is a curious figure --a Brooklyn Jew frequently described as an ardent Zionist, he was Casey's chief liaison with Israel. His departure from the CIA was linked to an Arab factions within who thought Hugel was too fanatical a support of Israel. Hugel had at times been suspected of being to close to the Soviets as well.
On the flip side of the coin, Hugel may have been close to the MacArthur faction within the Pentagon (addressed before here) as well. Hugel had served in military intelligence with a posting in Japan. This did not happen until 1953, after MacArthur and his intelligence chief, General Charles Willoughby (who worked closely with Le Cercle in the 1960s, as noted here), had been removed. Hugel seems to have forged close ties with Japanese businessmen during this time.
Even more curious is a trip Hugel took to North Korea in 1991 on behalf of the Unification Church. He was accompanied by "former" officials of the US government, which gave the conference a quasi-state sanctioned air. One of Hugel's compatriots in this trip was none other than Douglas MacArthur II. The same Douglas MacArthur II linked to pedophile rings in Belgium and who possibly had a link to the Franklin scandal via Robert Keith Gray.
|Douglas MacArthur II|
But let us now return to William Casey. The CIA director and Maltese knight had extremely close ties to Cercle:
"The man to whom Reagan offered the job - within days of his meeting with de Marenches - was someone the French spymaster approved of entirely: OSS veteran and NSIC co-founder William Casey. Thanks to Casey and others, the NSIC and the Cercle/6I would enjoy unbroken access to the highest levels of US policymaking even before the advent of the Reagan Administration. As well as having been Reagan’s election manager, Casey was also head of the Reagan transition team, particularly in the field of intelligence, where Casey was assisted by two former senior CIA officials as Special Advisors, 6I founding member Lieutenant-General Vernon Walters and longstanding ISC friend Ray S. Cline. The agenda for the incoming Reagan Administration had to a large extent already been mapped out in a 3,000-page list of policy recommendations published by the Heritage Foundation in January 1981 under the title Mandate for Leadership - its intelligence proposals had been drafted by NSIC Washington chief Roy Godson, Senate Intelligence Committee staffer and later NSIC and IEDSS author Angelo Codevilla, and Crozier's old associate and probable 6I founding member Herb Romerstein (412).
"Once in charge of the CIA, Casey would help to provide initial funding for the 6I's operations. Members of the 6I 'Politburo' also soon assumed high office: General Walters would act as Reagan's Ambassador at Large from 1981 to 1985, US Representative at the UN from 1985 to 1989, and Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to West Germany from 1989 to 1991, whilst General Stilwell served from 1981 to 1985 as Reagan's Deputy Under-Secretary of Defence for Policy – despite the anodyne title, Stilwell was in reality charged with a fundamental reform of US special forces. Reagan also ensured contact with the Cercle and the 6I through an old Californian friend, William A. Wilson, whom Reagan also appointed as his personal envoy to the Vatican in February 1981 and full US Ambassador to the Holy See in March 1984, resuming US-Vatican diplomatic relations suspended since the early 1970s. Besides the channels to Reagan via Casey, Walters or Wilson, the Cercle/6I also liaised directly with Reagan's successive National Security Advisors, Dick Allen, William P. Clark, Bud McFarlane and Admiral Poindexter."
(Rogue Agents, David Teacher, pg. 193)Casey's ties to Le Cercle stretched back to at least 1978, when he attended a meeting of the group. This relationship seems to have grown even closer by 1980 and may have stretched back even further. As was noted in the prior installment, Casey's co-founder of the NSIC, Frank Barnett, had been in contact with Crozier since 1966 and had been actively collaborating with him since 1969. And of course, there's also the Sovereign Military Order of Malta connection that Casey shared with so many Cercle figures.
As was noted at the beginning of this section, Cercle's potential ties to Franklin are rather tenuous. But none the less, there does not seem to have been many degrees of separation between Casey and King's alleged pedophile ring on the one hand, and on the other between Casey and the Cercle pedophile rings.
In all three instances these rings seem to have targeted at right wing political parties and the security services of Belgium, the UK and the US. And they all seem to have been established around the time Cercle was actively engaged in bringing about political change in these nations. In the UK and the US, Cercle ended up with the friendly regimes it had ever had in those countries (i.e. Thatcher and Reagan).
If there was a tie between the Le Cercle rings and Franklin, was Casey then an agent of Le Cercle establishing a network similar to the ones in Belgium and Britain for influencing politics? Certainly being aware of politicians and key security figures in several major Western nations engaged in pedophile rings would be extremely comprising and would give Cercle almost total control over the figures they had implicated.
And with that I shall wrap up for now. With the next installment I will finish up addressing the other possible pedophile ring linked to Cercle and will then pull things back a bit and consider the bigger picture. Stay tuned dear reader.