Friday, March 25, 2016

Belgium: Into the Heart of Darkness Part III

Recent events in Brussels have made this present series on the intrigues the Belgium deep state especially timely. The series was begun in March 2016, with the most recent installment published on the twentieth. On March 22, 2016, explosions were set off in two separate locations around Brussels (one occurring at an airport in Zaventem and another at the Maelbeek/Maalbeek metro station), resulting in the deaths of at least thirty individuals and scores more wounded. Officials are already hailing the Brussels attacks as the most deadly acts of terrorism in the nation's history.

While it is true no other one terror attack in Belgium's history has quite equaled the scale of the Brussels attacks, Belgium has experienced a decades-spanning wave of terrorism that has taken especially shocking and brutal forms. Indeed, there are even echoes of past terror attacks present in the events of March 22, 2016. The Zaventem Airport is located in Flemish Brabant, part of the original Brabant region that witnessed a deadly wave on terror attacks during the early 1980s that left 28 people dead. These shootings were chronicled in the second installment of this series.

the original region of Brabant
In that installment I argued that the Brabant shootings had most likely been conducted by a fascist militia known as the Westland New Post (WNP). The WNP was also linked to other acts of terrorism in the 1980s before its head, Paul Latinus, committed suicide under highly dubious circumstances. Even more curious is the fact that not only did Latinus have ties to Belgian security services, but that he had also been recruited as an asset of the American Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA). Other WNP members had also worked for various Belgian security services (especially the Gendarmerie to the point that the WNP was originally founded by a Gendarmerie section of its predecessor, Front de la Jeunesse (FJ), known as "Group G") as well as private security firms such as Wackenhut and the Europe Institute of Management (EIM), both of which had extensive ties to US intelligence (as noted in that installment).

the mysterious WNP leader Paul Latinus
Thus, this researcher finds much of the present outrage concerning the "incompetence" of the Belgian security services in regards to the Brussels attacks on 3/22/16 rather amusing. Naturally the Belgian security services also failed to stop the Brabant shootings and at present, 30 years after the killings, have yet to convict a single individual for these atrocities. Was this also because of "incompetence," or because much of the WNP was comprised of "former" members of the Belgian security services who had tactical approval from outside forces (i.e. the US security services) for their actions?

This present series will address further "incompetence" from the Belgian security services in regards to the Dutroux affair, but for know let me finish the recap.

With the first installment of this series I chronicled deep intrigues behind two political parties affiliated with Jean Thiriart, Jeune Europe and Parti Communautaire Européen (the latter of which also having ties to the notorious Order of the Solar Temple cult) in the 1960s and 1970s as well as Flemish Belgian terror network known as Vlaamse Militanten Orde (VMO), which was also extremely active in the 1980s during the WNP's peak years. Under the present circumstances, it is interesting to note that both Thiriart and the VMO also had ties to militant Islamic and Arab nationalist groups. Thiriart's ties in this regard were especially well known:
"In 1968, as part of the rightist overture to the Middle East, Thiriart visited Cairo, where he attended the opening session of the Union Socialiste Arabe as an invited guest. In March 1968 La Nation Europeenne he explained his policy this way: 'In striving towards European nationalism, Cuba, the Arabs, and North Vietnam must be considered as tactical friends. Everyone who contrives to destroy the power of the United States helps Europe pave the way to freedom and unity.' Thiriart supported the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), and PFLP leader George Habash reportedly helped finance La Nation Europeenne."
(Dreamer of the Day, Kevin Coogan, pg. 544) 
La Nation Europeenne was a publication Thiriart produced while his ties to the PFLP were noted in the first installment. In a footnote regarding Thiriart's appearance at the Union Socialiste Arabe Coogan notes: "... Frederic Laurent reports that Thiriart appeared to be working for the intelligence services of several Arab nations" (Dreamer of the Day, pg. 550, 23n). This was at the same time Thiriart was working for the right wing terror network known as Aginter Press.

As for the VMO, by the early 1980s they were in contact with the former SS man Otto Remer. In the post-war years Remer was extensively involved in the Islamic world, aiding nationalist groups in Egypt, Algeria and Syria (Remer was one of several prominent former Nazis who took up residency in Syria for a time). And it should be emphasized that these groups as well as Thririart's associates were largely Arab Nationalist rather religious extremists, though they would greatly influence many such later groups. But moving along.

In the first installment I also addressed what is commonly referred to as Operation Gladio, a joint US/NATO campaign that operated "stay-behind-armies" in various Western European allied nations during the Cold War. In theory these stay-behind networks would be used to wage a guerrilla war against the Soviet Union should it have ever invaded Western Europe. In reality these networks seemed to have been used to wage terror campaigns against the Left in Western Europe so as the keep the region in the US sphere of influence. I have already extensively chronicled Gladio's terror campaign in Italy during the so-called "Years of Lead" during my examination of the notorious Propaganda Due (P2) Masonic lodge.

As I also noted in the P2 series, early instances of Islamic terrorism in Europe were also linked to this network. One of the trail blazers in this regard was the Turkish Grey Wolves organization, which had ties to both P2 and the attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II (addressed here and here). Turkey is of course one of the major backers of ISIS, which has been linked to both the recent terror attacks in Paris as well as Brussels (indeed, the same terror cell seems to have been responsible for both attacks). Some researchers such as Sibel Edmonds have alleged that the wave of Islamic terrorism that began to kick into high gear during the 1990s was a continuation of the original Gladio operations and has dubbed the Islamic networks "Gladio B."

Certainly there seem to have been ties between these Islamic terror networks and several groups linked the terror campaign that destabilized Belgium during the 1980s. These some of these links have been noted above while others will be explored in a future installment. For now I would like to consider what is easily the most horrendous aspect of the Belgian deep state: the Dutroux affair.

While Marc Dutroux is still largely unknown outside of the United States (there are only a handful of English-language accounts of his story), at one point the so-called "Monster of Charleroi" threatened to topple the entire Belgian state. His arrest brought with it dark rumblings of pedophile rings that catered to powerful political figures within Brussels and beyond. Here's a rundown of how Dutroux first gained his notoriety from the Institute for the Study of Globalization and Covert Politics, one of the few truly credible online websites exploring deep political intrigues and easily the best English-language account of Dutroux:
"The media attention had begun in June 1995 with the disappearance of two 8 year old girls, Julie Lejeune and Melissa Russo. Almost exactly two months later, the 17 year old An Marchal and the 19 year old Eefje Lambrecks went missing. Additional media attention was drawn to the latter case as the last thing these girls did was visit the show of Rasti Rostelli, a prominent magician, in which they had been hypnotized. Needless to say, the affair ended the career of the magician, even though he had almost immediately been cleared as a suspect. In late 1995, the BOB (Belgian FBI and branch of the gendarmerie) largely ceased to investigate the case. However, the disappearance of An and Eefje remained prominent, because a foundation named Marc & Corinne, set up several years earlier and named after two teenagers who had been brutally murdered, used its limited funds to spread posters of the girls' faces all over Belgium and the Netherlands. In the end this made no difference; the girls weren't found, nor those responsible, and in May 1996 history repeated itself. This time the 12 year old Sabine Dardenne disappeared, and again the BOB was unable to find the kidnappers or the girl. People became more worried for their children with every kidnapping. Confidence in the police and judiciary, traditionally already quite low, began sinking to new depths.
"Things changed later that year. On Friday, August 9, 1996 the 14 year old Laetitia Delhez disappeared in Bertrix, a town located in the district of Neufchateau, near the border of France and Luxemburg. Michel Bourlet, prosecutor of the king in Neufchateau, was tasked with the case and appointed examining magistrate Jacques Langlois to coordinate the investigation. When Langlois left for vacation the following Monday, Bourlet replaced him with his close colleague Jean-Marc Connerotte. The latter duo had already become well known in 1994 for not being allowed to solve the murder on Andre Cools, a socialist politician.
"The same Monday that Connerotte took over from Langlois, BOB adjutant Jean-Pierre Peters reported a breakthrough in the investigation. Of the several dozen tips, two turned out to be very useful. Two witnesses had seen an old white van driving around Bertrix the day Laetitia disappeared. In one of these two cases a student was afraid the driver of the van was planning to steal his bike. As luck would have it, the 22-year-old had a passion for cars and reported to the police the exact type of van and a good chunk of its license plate, as the first three letters reminded him of the name of his sister. In no time Dutroux's name, a known pedophile, came out of the computer. A crisis meeting was held in Bertrix that evening and the following day Dutroux, his wife Michele Martin, and his sidekick Michel Lelievre were arrested. In the following days their testimonies led to the retrieval of two girls, Sabine and Laetitia, in Dutroux's basements. Belgium's case of the century was about to begin."

Martin (top) and Lelievre (bottom)
Here are a few more details concerning Dutroux's arrest in 1996 and the immediate fall out following it:
"It was not until August 13, 1996... that authorities arrested Dutroux, along with his wife (an elementary school teacher), a lodger, a policeman, and a man the Guardian described as 'an associate with political connections' – elsewhere identified as Jean-Michel Nihoul, a Brussels businessman and nightclub owner. One of those taken into custody –Michel Levievre, described in a May 2002 BBC report as 'a drug addict and petty thief' – reportedly told his interrogators that at least some of the girls abducted by the ring 'were kidnapped to order, for someone else.' This is just one of the many statements by suspects and witnesses that would later be dismissed by Belgian officials.
"Two days after the arrest, police again searched Dutroux's home and discovered the soundproof dungeon/torture center. As CNN reported, three years earlier 'police ignored tip from an informant who said Dutroux was building secret cellars to all girls before selling them abroad.' In addition, in 1995, the same informant told police that Dutroux had offered an unidentified third man 'the equivalent of $3,000 to $5,000 to kidnap girls.' Incredibly it was later reported by the Guardian that police actually had in their possession a video of the dungeon being constructed: 'Belgian police could have saved the lives of two children who were allegedly murdered by the paedophile Marc Dutroux if they had watched a video seized from his home which showed him building their hidden cell.' The tape had been seized in one of the earlier searches.
"At the time of the final search, two fourteen-year-old girls were found imprisoned in the dungeon, chained and starving. They described to police how they have been used as child prostitutes and in the production of child pornography videos. More than 300 such videos were taken into custody by the police.
"On August 17, 1996, the story got grimmer as please dug up the bodies of two eight-year-old girls at another of Dutroux's homes. It would later be learned that the girls had been kept in one of Dutroux's dungeons for nine months after their abductions, during which time they were repeatedly tortured and sexually assaulted – all captured on videotape. The girls were then left to slowly starve to death. Alongside their decimated corpses was the body of Bernard Weinstein, a former accomplice of Dutroux who had occupied one of the houses for several years. Weinstein had been buried alive.
"A few weeks later, two more girls were found buried under concrete at yet another of Dutroux's properties. Autopsy reports suggest they were drugged and then buried alive. By that time, ten people connected to the case were reportedly in custody..."
(Programmed to Kill, David McGowan, pgs. 4-5) 

In the case of the videos, McGowan's information is a bit dated. Originally it was claimed that some 300 such films existed while later on this number was upped to almost 5000. These proved to be quite considerable exaggerations. Now the total is reckoned at less than 100 and only a portion of them show Dutroux abusing young girls. But moving along.

Upon Dutroux's arrest, his extensive criminal record came to light. The general public and the few honest investigators who explored the case couldn't help but wonder how Dutroux was even allowed to return to the public at large after his prior convictions for pedophilia and a host of other offenses. And of course there was Dutroux's extensive holdings despite his lack of income. Consider:
"... Dutroux – convicted along with his wife in 1989 for the rape and violent abuse of five young girls, the youngest of whom was just eleven – now stands accused of being a key player in an international child prostitution and pornography ring whose practices include kidnapping, rape, sadistic torture, and murder.
"Dutroux was sentenced in 1989 to thirteen years for his crimes, but was freed after having served just three. This is in spite of the fact that, as prison governor Yvan Stuart would later tell a parliamentary commission: 'A medical report described him as a perverse psychopath, an explosive mix. He was an evident danger to society.' The man who turned Dutroux loose on society, Justice Minister Melchior Wathelet, was rewarded with a prestigious appointment to serve as a judge at the European Court of Justice at The Hague."
(Programmed to Kill, David McGowan, pg. 3)
ISGP provides some other interesting information about Wathelet:
"In April 1992, PSC Minister of Justice Melchior Wathelet approved Dutroux's release from prison. Although it is normal in Belgium to be released after a third of the sentence has been served out, many in the system who worked with Dutroux did not agree with this decision. Dutroux was known to them as a manipulative psychopath without any regrets for his crimes. In fact, he never even admitted to them. Interestingly, Wathelet would be accused in the X-Dossiers of being a violent child abuser himself, together with some of his known proteges and associates."
More will be said in a future installment about Wathelet's "proteges and associates." For now it is important to note his membership in the Parti Social Chrétien (PSC). In part two of this series it was noted that several of the victims of the Brabant massacres were members of the PSC and involved with a far right wing clique within the party known as the Centre Politique des Indépendants et des Cadres Chrétiens (CEPIC). It is likely that the Brabant shooters also had ties to the PSC/CEPIC and were silencing dissidents with these execution-style murders. As we shall see, the PSC and offshoot organizations turn up frequently in some of the more sensational allegations that emerged in the wake of Dutroux. But let us return to Dutroux's actions upon being released from prison:
"Shortly after Dutroux's release, young girls begin to disappear in the vicinity of some of his homes. Though technically unemployed and drawing welfare from the state, he nevertheless owned at least six houses and lived quite lavishly. His rather lucrative income appears to been derived from trading in child sex-slaves, child prostitution, and child pornography. Many of his houses appeared to stand vacant, though at least some of them were in fact used as torture and imprisonment centers where kidnapped girls were taken and held in underground dungeons. Some of Dutroux's homes were used in this way for several years following his early release, with a growing body of evidence to indicate that fact to the police. Authorities nevertheless failed to act on the information, or acted on it in ways that implied either complete incompetence (according to most press reports), or police complicity in the operation (according to any sort of logic).
"Official seem to have routinely ignored tips that later proved accurate, including a report from Dutroux's own mother that her son was holding girls prisoner in one of his houses. In addition, key facts were withheld from investigators working on the disappearances and lines of communication were unaccountably broken, inexcusably hindering the investigation. Police did search one of Dutroux's homes on no less than three separate occasions over the course of the investigation. On at least two of these occasions, two of the missing girls were being held in heinous conditions, imprisoned in a custom-built dungeon in the basement. Nevertheless, according to the Guardian, the police searches came up empty – even though the investigating officers reported 'hearing children's voices on one occasion.' "
(Programmed to Kill, David McGowan, pg. 4)
Rene Michaux, the investigator who "bungled" so much of the Dutroux surveillance
Much of the investigation of Dutroux prior to his capture was carried out by a police officer named Rene Michaux who displayed inexplicable incompetence on numerous occasion. He lead the search of Dutroux's residence when two girls were being held there and investigators even heard the voices of children while in the house yet did not turn up anything. Shortly after this raid Michaux received a tip that proved to be rather prophet and which he naturally he did not follow up on. ISGP notes:
"In the afternoon of December 13, after the disastrous search in Dutroux's Marcinelle home, Michaux met with police officer Christian Dubois. Both had been working on a recent phenomenon involving occupants of white Mercedesses following and photographing schoolgirls. On this occasion, Dubois informed Michaux that he had an informant who had stated that the white Mercedesses belonged to a pedophile network centered around a company called Achats Services Commerces (ASCO; not to be confused with X1's abuse and snuff factory) located in the Brussels' suburbs. According to the informant, the occupants of the white Mercedesses were putting together catalogs of pictures of children. Their clients could pick one of these kids, which would then be kidnapped, locked up in Belgium for a while, and then exported to eastern Europe or Thailand. The price for each child would be about 7500 euros. During their conversation Michaux told Dubois about Dutroux. Dubois recalled: "I remember that Michaux told me that Dutroux went to countries in eastern Europe... The sums he mentioned for the kidnappings were similar to those given to me by my informant... Even today this still keeps me awake at night. I feel responsible. Afterwards, in 1996, I looked into Dutroux... You just felt it. This was the man we were looking for!" Michaux undertook no action and the Verwilghen Commission would later scratch its head why. ASCO turned out to be a highly interesting company. It was incorporated on July 2, 1991, primarily by Jean-Louis Delamotte, a friend and regular business partner of Michel Nihoul. Nihoul, Bernard Weinstein, Michel Lelievre and Michele Martin (not Dutroux) had all been spotted on a regular basis in the immediate surroundings of the company. People in the neighborhood had also noted that Nihoul was often surrounded by young negro girls and had the impression that these girls were on transit. Five mattresses and some baby milk were found inside the company's headquarters after it had gone bankrupt in 1994. Delamotte's company Soparauto, registered at the same address, owned 5 white Mercedesses, all with French license plates, as had been reported. [16] Delamotte would later also be pointed out as the thug who intimidated one of the X-witnesses [17], including the person who had initially looked after this witness."
Bernard Weinstein, a former associate of Dutroux whom he was eventually convicted of murdering
And that brings us to the most curious of Dutroux's associates. While many of them were little more than low level criminals one individual, Jean-Michel Nihoul, proved to be in quite a different league. Indeed, as ISGP notes, it was primarily Nihoul's presence in the Dutroux affair that led to widespread speculation a large scale pedophile network behind Dutroux:
"One of the most important reasons for speculation about a network has been Michel Nihoul. This person had been arrested on August 16 after the investigators of Bourlet and Connerotte found out that on August 10, one day after Lelievre and Dutroux had kidnapped Laetitia, Nihoul had supplied Lelievre, free of charge, with 1,000 XTC pills. The original investigators immediately suspected that these pills served as a payment for the kidnapping of Laetitia, suspicions which were only fueled when Nihoul was unable to provide an alibi for August 8 [24], the day when at least 8 witnesses claim to have seen Nihoul in Bertrix at and around the location where Laetitia would be kidnapped the next day. Additionally, some of these witnesses claimed to have seen Nihoul in the presence of Dutroux (or his van), who was carrying out an initial surveillance that day. [25] Both Dutroux's wife Michele Martin and Michel Lelievre specified that Dutroux, at least in some cases, kidnapped girls according to specific wishes of clients. Martin stated that one of these clients was Michel Nihoul."
There has been much speculation over the years of this murky night club owner. It typically goes along these lines:
"The man long suspected of being the real high priest of the grisly sex rings and drugs rackets was Nihoul, known to intimates – and his alleged victims – as 'Mich.' He was a familiar figure on the shady night-club circuit, who could be seen in the company of important figures from the Belgian upper crust. He was known as the man who could fix anything to suit particular tastes. He rose up from street gang territory and made good money on the bar and drugs scene to become the most powerful crime boss in the country. He would always talk himself down as a mere 'pub owner.' Those who knew him better understood that his network of alliances was respected by the most powerful elites. Dutroux acted as a pimp and sometimes master of ceremonies for Nihoul's orgies, that were alleged to attract prominent public notables. There was a certain irony when Mr. Big found himself dragged into the limelight concerning his underling. His smirking arrogance at his own court appearances was such that he bawled to reporters that he would never be convicted because 'he knew too much...' "
(Gladio: NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe, Richard Cottrell, pg. 304)
Nihoul ultimately was convicted in conjunction with Dutroux, but on charges ranging from financial fraud to drug and human trafficking due to overwhelming evidence, but nothing in relation to Dutroux's kidnapping and murder of young girls (and former associates). He was ultimately given a five year sentence which he served little of. However, Nihoul simply being arrested proved to be a most troubling development for individuals in high places in Belgium.

Upon Nihoul's arrest, several witnesses stepped forward to make allegations that Nihoul was a key figure in a pedophile ring that involved many of the most powerful figures in Belgium and beyond. Many of these victims had been living in fear for decades and only came forward when they felt that they had located a handful of honest Belgian officials (such as investigator Jean-Marc Connerotte, who became something of a national hero in the 1990s for his tireless efforts to expose Belgium's underbelly in relation to Dutroux as well as the assassination of Andres Cools, a key figure in the Walloon Socialist Party) who would take their claims seriously. Stories of ritual abuse, child murders, snuff films and the like soon followed, shocking the nation of Belgium to its very core. Here's a brief rundown of these victims:
"... The 'X' witnesses were victims of the pedophile ring who had come forward to tell harrowing tales of their victimization.
"A woman named Regina Louf was the first of eleven such victims to be interviewed by police officials. Louf claimed that she had been victimized by the ring – which included her parents and her grandmother – from the time that she was a very young child. She described the operation in detail to authorities, supplying them with names – names that included 'senior judges, one of the country's most powerful politicians – now dead – and a very influential banker.' According to Louf, the operation 'was big business – blackmail – there was a lot of money involved.' Many of her victimizers, she said, were secretly filmed for blackmail purposes.
"Louf identified Michel Nihoul as a regular organizer of 'parties.' These parties, she said, 'not only involved sex, they included sadism, torture and murder.' She described in detail the murdered victims, and how and where they were killed. The BBC reported that when police checked into Louf's claims, they were able to verify 'key elements of Regina's story and found [that] at least one murder that she says she witnessed matched an unsolved murder...' "
(Programmed to Kill, David McGowan, pg. 7)
Eventually Louf's claims were dismissed on the basis of her mental instability. Louf does seem to suffer from Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID), which at times made her claims hazy. But many of the other "X" witnesses, totally unprompted, confirmed numerous elements of Louf's allegations. Several of the "X" witnesses had known one another before coming forward, but it seems likely none of them had spoken to one another for many years prior to making their revelations. While authorities have made ample efforts to discredit Miss Louf (X-1), ISGP notes that many of her claims have been confirmed by a host of sources.

At this point though I must digress to consider some of Nihoul's other alleged associates before going into the VIPs X-1 and other witnesses supposedly remembered. Part of the reason why Belgian authorities seemingly went to great lengths to cover up the Dutroux affair, especially in relation to Nihoul, may have been due to the pub owner's association with members of Westland New Post (WNP), the organization widely believed to have been behind the Brabant massacres. Richard Cottrell alleges that both Nihoul and Dutroux had ties to Paul Latinus himself, the head of the WNP and reported DIA asset:
"Among his regular contacts was Jean-Michel Nihoul, mastermind of the rapidly expanding sex traffic and paedophile industries, and several of his corporals, including the Monster of Charleroi, Marc Dutroux. Latinus was discovered by his girl friend, roped up in the bathroom at his home on 24th of April 1984. Postmortem examinations were inconclusive... Latinus always claimed that he kept a secret file as his life insurance policy. If so, it seems to have worked in reverse. An extremely inconvenient figure connecting the Belgian Gladio operation and the depravity soaking Belgium, was now off the stage.
"Dutroux and Latinus knew each other from their common passion for stealing expensive cars. But Latinus' trade specialty was setting up targets for blackmail, which lends strong support to later allegations that child abuse networks have the prime objective of luring clientele into places where they would be secretly filmed with young girls and boys. The content of videos intended for the worldwide black market remains to this day a highly toxic and unresolved mystery, which the Belgian authorities have done all in their power to suppress..."
(Gladio: NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe, Richard Cottrell, pgs. 301-302)
Latinus on the right
Cottrell is not always a reliable source and this researcher has personally found absolutely nothing to substantiate a relationship between Latinus and Nihoul or Dutroux. Such a claim is hardly beyond the realm of possibility, but there is no credible evidence. There are, however, strong indications that Latinus was aware of an elite pedophile ring and that he may have intended this information as a life insurance policy, as Cottrell alleges. In the long suppressed Rogue Agents, the great David Teacher notes:
"It will come as no surprise to learn that the WNP leader Paul Latinus 'committed suicide' in April 1984 as the WNP scandal gathered pace. Opinions remain divided about whether the suicide was arranged or not. Latinus could have been a key witness not just in the WNP case but also in a vice scandal that hit the headlines at the same time as the May 1981 Sûreté report on CEPIC's links to the NEM. Shortly before dying, Latinus had referred to a file that was his 'insurance policy' - a dossier compromising top politicians in a vice ring: the Pinon file. Dr. Pinon's wife ran a child vice ring in which... right-wing notables were allegedly compromised. In early 1981, details of the ring reached Lecerf who wrote an article; perhaps unsurprisingly in view of his connections, Lecerf never published the piece. Lecerf may have been the source for Latinus’s file.
"In mid-June 1981, Dr. Pinon gave details of the ring to the left-wing magazine Pour... Pour's editor, Jean-Claude Garot, was preparing to go into print when he received a phone call from a lawyer attempting to prevent publication: Garot refused. Ten days later, the premises of Pour were burnt to the ground by a joint commando group from the Front de la Jeunesse/WNP and the Flemish fascist group VMO..."
(Rogue Agents, David Teacher, pg. 203) 

As was noted in part one, Emile Lecref was a prominent figure in both Belgian's fascist underground as well as overworld. He had been a co-founder of Jeune Europe with Jean Thiriart in the 1960s before allegedly breaking over ideological differences, though both men maintained ties with the notorious Aginter Press, a right wing terror network active all over Western Europe and Africa. Lecref also had ties to an individual linked to paramilitary camps for the Vlaamse Militanten Orde (VMO). Beyond all these activities, he was also a key figure in the Belgian branch of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), an organization with extensive ties to drug trafficking, terrorism and the US intelligence community. Much more information on the WACL can be found here. But moving along.

So while there is no credible information this researcher has found linking Latinus to Nihoul or Dutroux, it seems highly probable that he was aware of some kind of pedophile network amongst Belgium's right wing establishment as far back as the early 1980s and may even have been tipped off about this network by the highly connected Emile Lecref.

But just because there is no evidence linking Latinus to Nihoul does not mean that other members of the WNP were not in contact. Indeed, it seems that at least one lower level member was a close associate of Nihoul. ISGP reports:
"X1 was presented with 40 photographs, some showing real suspects, others from unrelated dossiers. [267] After another long and psychologically challenging session, X1 had selected 8 pictures. Three of the selected men clearly were misidentified, as they have never been linked to the extreme-right or the Gang of Nijvel [the Brabant shooters --Recluse] and had been added to the collection for no specific reason. Four other identifications made by X1 turned out to be far more intriguing. One of them was the person De Baets already suspected: Madani Bouhouche. The others were former gendarme officer Christian Amory, gendarme colonel Gerard Lhost and the earlier-mentioned gendarme colonel Rene Mayerus... 
"Bouhouche was closely associated with Group G, Front de la Jeunesse, Westland New Post and the Diana Group. He has been accused of involvement in a number of assassinations and break-ins. In 1979, Bouhouche began preparations for a long-term operation to terrorize and extort a number of warehouses. Accomplices in this operation were Robert "Bob" Beyer (BOB), Christian Amory (BOB) Rene Tchang Wei Ling (brother of an important BOB officer), Juan Mendez, and apparently also Jean Bultot [273]. This group is widely believed to have had something to do with the Gang of Nijvel. Whether this was the case or not, their operation was cancelled in 1986 after Bouhouche was arrested on suspicions of having murdered Juan Mendez. Confronted with testimonies of Christian Amory, Bouhouche admitted to his interrogators that recruiting Mendez had been an assignment given to him by the WNP leadership and that there was a political motive behind the attacks they had been planning (or, if they were behind the Gang of Nijvel, might actually have carried out). [274] 
"Additionally, Bouhouche appears to have been closely associated with Michel Nihoul. He went to the fascist Jonathan Club whose owner, Pepe De Rycke (committed suicide in 2001) was on good terms with Nihoul. [275] Together with Beyer and Bultot he went to the prestigious Dancing Mirano's, where Nihoul also went. [276] The Mirano became embroiled in a drug scandal in the 1980s, but accusations that its owner, Philippe Cryns, ran a child prostitution network were carefully ignored by the magistrates. [277]  When Bouhouche was arrested in 1986, he picked Jean-Paul Dumont as his legal representative. The earlier-mentioned Dumont, once a member of the CEPIC council, was on close terms with Nihoul, represented leading fascists as Francis Dossogne and Paul Latinus, and shared a law office with the lawyer of Alexis Alewaeters (of the Mirano scandal) and Marc Dutroux. [278] As already mentioned, Dumont himself has been accused of child abuse on several occasions. In 1996, X2 testified that she had seen Bouhouche at the Dolo, Nihoul's favorite hang out, talking to Henri Bil... and being involved with some of the child abusers. [279]"
Ah, but the plot thickens: During the mid-1980s, around the time of Latinus' "suicide," Bouhouche went to work for a private detective firm known as Agence de Recherche et d'Information (ARI). Here's a bit more on the ARI's activities:
 "... The database shows conclusively that ARI direct contacts with and contracts performed for the US embassy in Brussels and the Belgian antenna of the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA)...
"... Still other customers of ARI were recommended by former gendarmerie colonel René Mayerus, director of the European Institute of Management (EIM), also a private intelligence service, with seat directly opposite the US embassy in Brussels Avenue des Arts.  President of EIM was the former US ambassador to Brussels, Douglas MacArthur II junior, son of the famous general of World War II.
"The owner of EIM was late Michel Relecom businessman with interests in Zaire, confidant of President Mobutu and President of the Belgian African Chamber of Commerce.  EIM time had run in Zaire several government contracts.  In Belgium acquired the singular company, thanks Mayerus, contracts including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the security of diplomatic meetings and summits in various domains castle of the department, such as the Egmont Palace.  Mayerus brought Bouhouche and Beijer further contact with the US commercial intelligence agency International Intelligence Inc. (Intertel).
"Commissioned by Intertel, teaches the database examined ARI example, a firm that had offices at the Brussels Square de Meeus, coincidentally right in front of the former headquarters of the State Security.  ARI also made contact with the Haitian embassy in Brussels with a view to possible political asylum for Haitian dictator Jean Duvalier.  An old acquaintance on the customer list of ARI is the Saudi secret agent Faez El Ajjaz, who claimed to be a journalist.  In their database Bouhouche and Beijer connect him with the affair Vernaillen (the assassination Gendarmerie Major Herman Vernaillen), WNP and European Institute of Management."
MacArthur II, one time president of EIM
Thus Bouhouche, via ARI, seems to have been in contact with the DEA, EIM, Intertel and Saudi intelligence (which seems especially significant in the wake of present events in Brussels). And all of this was unfolding while he was involved with the WNP and possibly Nihoul.

EIM was already addressed in part two of this series where it was noted that this murky private security firm that was at one point headed by former US Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II (nephew of the legendary general who had close ties to the intelligence-connected American Security Council (ASC, which was addressed at length here and which will appear again in this series)) and the World Anti-Communist League), seems to have been in control of the WNP during its reign of terror. And here are indications that the WNP also had ties to some type of elite pedophile network during this time as well. A network that was seemingly still active over a decade later when the Dutroux scandal broke.

And it is here that I shall wrap things up for now. In the next installment we shall finally begin to examine the VIPs linked to this pedophile network as well as their ties to international networks profoundly immersed in deep political intrigues. Stay tuned.

Sunday, March 20, 2016

Belgium: Into the Heart of Darkness Part II

Welcome to the second installment in my examination of the dark underbelly of Belgium, a nation that has been ravaged by deep political intrigues for much of the second half the twentieth century (and beyond). During the first installment I gave a broad overview of Operation Gladio, a NATO/Pentagon/CIA project that spanned Western Europe during the Cold War years. Gladio (which was actually only the name of the Italian branch) consisted of a series of "stay-behind-armies" that would wage a guerrilla war in the event Western Europe was overrun by the Soviets.

That was the official explanation, anyway. As I noted before in my examination of Italy's notorious Propaganda Due, there is ample evidence indicating that Gladio participants conspired to destabilize the Italian state through acts of terrorism during the so-called "Years of Lead" and frame the Communists for these acts. At the time the Italian Communist Party (PCI) had been gaining ground amongst the electorate and their was a belief within the nation's deep state and the US intelligence community that the Left had to be discredited by any means necessary so as to prevent a Communist party from being democratically elected in Western Europe.

the aftermath of the Bologna railway station bombing, one of the most heinous acts of terrorism committed in Italy's recent history and an event widely linked to Gladio
As was noted in part one of this series, Belgium was in a similar situation in the 70s and 80s with the Left and anti-NATIO activists gaining ground at the voting booths. And naturally Belgium also experienced an extensive wave of terrorism that was largely blamed on the Left despite growing evidence that virtually all of these acts were carried out by the Belgium's extensive fascist underground.

Two groups were specifically considered: Jean Thiriart's Parti Communautaire Européen (PCE), a political party geared towards forging a "Red-Brown" alliance (as well as splitting Belgian Communists) and the Vlaamse Militanten Orde, a Flemish paramilitary organization extensively linked to terrorism in the late 1970s and early 1980s. With this installment I would like to consider one particular network involved in both political intrigues as well as street level terrorism.

If one was to search for a kind of lynch pin that held Belgium's deep state and fascist underground together and to serve as a kind of gateway to this network one could do far worse than one particular individual: Paul Latinus, a fascist militia leader who allegedly committed suicide on April 24, 1985 while in police custody. He apparently accomplished this feet by hanging himself with a phone cord while his feet were still on the ground. Despite having been dead for over thirty years now, Latinus' legacy continues to resonate to this current day. So let us begin with a little bit of background concerning Latinus:
"Paul Latinus was a high-ranking European right-wing terrorist. According to his own testimony he was, amongst other sources, paid by the military secret service of the Pentagon, the US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA). A former nuclear science technician and informer for the Belgian Surete Latinus had been recruited in 1967, age 17, by the DIA. Later NATO trained him. Belgian journalist Haquin who had written a book on terrorist Latinus relates that 'during a juridical investigation in which he was involved, Latinus named this foreign organization: It was the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), the military equivalent to the CIA.' In the 1970s Latinus became a member of the Brabant Reserve Officers Club (BROC), a conservative military organisation created in 1975 and obsessed with the 'red peril'. In 1978 Latinus joined the right-wing organization FJ and within that organization set up the WNP covert action department. With excellent contacts Latinus during the same period worked in the Belgian government as Assistant Advisor to the Labour Minister and counsellor to several committees. When in January 1981 the left-wing magazine Pour exposed the right-winger in the government, Latinus abandoned his public offices and fled to Pinochet's Chile. Yet after not even two months in exile Latinus due to his excellent contacts came back to Belgium exactly at the time when the  Brabant massacres began. He reassumed the command of the WNP and among other activities collaborated with the  Surete in the anti-Communist struggle by providing the Justice Ministry with the data on the left."
(NATO's Secret Armies, Daniele Ganser, pg. 145)
Paul Latinus is one the right
Let us now pause in our consideration of Latinus to give an overview of the above-mentioned FJ (Front de la Jeunesse) and WNP (Westland New Post) organizations:
"... In 1974 the Belgian ultra right-wing organization Front de la Jeunesse had been founded. Five years later WNP was created within FJ as the armed and highly militant branch of the right-wing organisation. 'The Front de la Jeunesse was born in 1974 and existed until the 1980s. At times it was a political group, at times militant', Francis Dossogne, head of the FJ,  described his organisation in the Gladio documentary of Franovich. 'Extreme right wing', he confirmed it was, adding it 'was essentially a youth movement and a militant movement'. Dossogne confirmed that FJ had resorted to violence in numerous cases: 'The Front de la Jeunesse carried out actions which upset things. It put many things into question, things which were well established. The Front really upset things so much that they wanted to destroy it.' Carrying out their paramilitary training more and more openly the FJ started to face criticism. 'The Front was condemned for their camps. In fact, all we did was what scouts do. What certain companies do in incentive courses go much further.'
"Most sensitively Dossogne admitted in the Gladio documentary that within FJ they had set up a militant branch made up almost exclusively of members of the Belgian Gendarmerie. As SDRA6 the Gendarmerie was part of the Belgian military secret service SDR which under the label SDRA8 also directed the secret armies. The new branch within FJ was first labelled 'G' for Gendarmerie and later became WNP. 'Group G was a section of the front in the Gendarmerie. As Gendarmes they didn't want to be mixed up with the rest – and risk being involved during demonstrations and so on,' Dossogne relates..."
(NATO's Secret Armies, Daniele Ganser, pg. 142)
In Rogue Agents, David Teacher's long-suppressed examination of European deep politics, it is noted (pg. 209) that the above-mentioned Francis Dossogne and Emile Lecref had collaborated together in the 1970s as well. Lecref was a curious figure mentioned extensively in the first part of this series.

Dossogne, the head of the FJ, circa 1980
Lecref was a co-founder of Jeune Europe with Jean Thiriart before the two allegedly split in 1965 over political differences. Despite the break, both men continued to collaborate with Aginter Press, a right wing terror network addressed in the first installment of this series. Lecref also had ties to a key associate of Vlaamse Militanten Organisatie as well as being a major figure in the Belgian branch of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The WACL's extensive ties to international drug trafficking, terrorism and the American deep state were chronicled at length before in this series.

I have not found direct ties between Paul Latinus, an asset of the DIA who headed Westland New Post (WNP), and Lecref though there is one possible link that will be noted in a future installment of this series. However Latinus and Lecref almost surely were aware of one another as they traveled in many of the same circles, as we shall see.

But back to the WNP, essentially a fascist militia largely comprised of members of the Belgium Gendarmerie. As should come as little surprise to regular readers of this blog, the WNP has been extensively linked to a series of terror attacks known as the Brabant massacres. The attacks unfolded between 1983 and 1985 in an area near Brussels known as Brabant. There were 16 total armed assaults in all. They left 28 people dead and scores wounded. Restaurants and supermarkets were the most common targets for these assaults, which authorities typically described as armed robberies (despite the fact that the shooters showed little interest in looting their targets).

Several former members of the WNP have dropped strong indications that the group was behind the shootings:
"One of the accused, right-winger Michel Libert, a WNP member from 1978 to the 1980s, thereafter confirmed in a Gladio documentary that higher officers had protected them during their operations. 'The fittest members', Libert proudly spoke of the WNP, 'can form an action branch'. Head of WNP Paul Latinus gave the orders for covert action operations. 'When an operation was to be carried out, Latinus was given the job. To get us to do it he had to have an aide in case of problems.' Protections by higher echelons was mandatory...
"Was right-wing extremist Libert willing to confirm that WNP and the Belgian security apparatus had been involved in the Brabant massacres, investigative journalist Allan Francovich wanted to know in his Gladio documentary? Was Brabant one of their missions? 'One received orders. We can go back to, say, 1982. From 1982 to 1985' Libert replied, referring to the period in which the Brabant massacres were carried out. 'There were projects.' Very sensitive projects  Libert admitted. According to his own testimony he had been told: 'You, Mr. Libert, know nothing about why we're doing this. Nothing at all. All we ask is that you group, with cover from the Gendarmerie, with cover from Security, carry out a job. Target: The supermarkets. Where are they? What kind of locks are there? What sort of protection do they have that could interfere with our operations? Does the store manager lockup? Or do they use an outside security company?' The operation was top-secret and right-wing extremist Libert followed the order : 'We  carried out the orders and sent in our reports: Hours of opening and closing. Everything you want to know about a supermarket. What was this for? This was one amongst hundred of missions. Something had to be done. But the use it was all put too, that is the big question.' "
(NATO's Secret Armies, Daniele Ganser, pg. 144) 
"Former WNP member and former Gendarme Martial Lekeu in Florida confirmed to Gladio researcher Francovich that the secret army in Belgium had been involved in the Brabant terror massacres in order to discredit the Belgium left. 'The guns they were using were coming from far away and that's exactly what we had planned, to organise gangs and groups like that and let them go by themselves, but make sure they will survive and make sure to supply them and you know just to create a climate of terror in the country', Lekeu explained. 'They'd have two plans. The first one was to organise gangs to do hold up of hostage, you know, killing; the second one was to organise the so called "Left movement" who will do a terrorist attempt just to make believe, make the populations believe that these terrorist attempts were done by the Left.' "
(NATO's Secret Armies, Daniele Ganser, pg. 146)
In addition to sowing terror, several of the victims may have been specifically targeted. A few of them had certain political affiliations. Consider:
"As Hugo Gijsels points out closer examination of some of the people murdered by the Brabant killers during their attacks throws up a remarkable series of coincidences. Several people were coldly executed with bullets to the head, in contrast to the shooting in the supermarkets that claimed most victims. Amongst those executed in September-October 1983 were three CEPIC members: Elise Dewit and Jacques Fourez, a business contact of VdB's, and Jacques van Camp, innkeeper of the 'Auberge des Trois Canards', a favourite haunt for VdB, General Beaurir, Dewit and Fourez. In October 1985, the killers claimed an even more significant victim amongst the ranks of CEPIC: banker Leo Finné, Vernaillen's informant, the first person killed in the raid on the Delhaize supermarket in Overijse."
(Rogue Agents, David Teacher, pgs. 205-206) 
CEPIC stands for Centre Politique des Indépendants et des Cadres Chrétiens. According to Teacher, it was a far right wing clique with the Parti Social Chrétien (PSC), a highly conservative Belgian political party with ties to US intelligence and international fascism. Much more will be said of the PSC in a future installment but suffice to say, there have long been suspected links between the PSC and the WNP. Teacher suggests, however, that certain members of the CEPIC became increasingly concerned over the WNP's militancy and threatened to defect. It is likely these execution-style killings were meant as a message to possible dissidents who were not on board with the terror campaign.

In 2002 the PSC re-branded itself as the Centre deomcrate humaniste (cdH)
Before moving along, there is one other curious "coincidence" I would like to address. Easily the most spectacular of these attacks was the final one, which unfolded at a Delhaize supermarket in Aalst. Eight people in all were left dead. The date of this final attack, November 9, 1985, is most striking. It occurred two days before St. Martin's Day on November 11, which is some what akin to Belgium's Thanksgiving. Thus, shopping centers would have been especially crowded on this day.

But 11/9 is also a major date in neo-Nazi circles. The Italian National Fascist Party came into existence on 11/9/1921, the Beer Hall Putsch was crashed on 11/9/1923 and Thule Society founder Rudolf von Sebottendorf was born on 11/9/1875. More on the connections between the date of 11/9 and fascism can be found here. But moving along.

Thule Society founder Rudolf von Sebottendorf
In addition to Brabant, Latinus' network has been linked to other acts of terrorism, which shall be discussed in a moment. For now, it is worth noting another organization closely linked to US intelligence that WNP seems to have had ties too: The Wackenhut Corporation.

Wackenhut was founded in 1954 by George Wackenhut and three other former FBI Special Agents in Miami, Florida. Initially the company was strictly an investigation firm but in 1955 a second company was formed to provide physical security. In 1958 both companies emerged as the Wackenhut Corporation and in 1960 headquarters were relocated to Coral Gables, Florida. From there the company fast took off. By 1966 it had operations both spanning the US and branching out internationally. From the early days there have been whispers of the firm's ties to the US intelligence community.

George Wackenhut circa 1997
Here's a bit more about Wackenhut and its mysterious founder, former FBI Special Agent George Wackenhut:
"George Wackenhut's political leanings were once described in a book entitled, The Age of Surveillance, The Aims and Methods of America's Political Intelligence System, by Frank J. Donner (Knopf, 1980), pp. 424 – 425 as such:
" 'The agency's [Wackenhut] professional concerns reflect the political values of its director George Wackenhut. A rightist of the old blood, he selected as his directors an assortment of ultras prominent in the John Birch Society, the ASC, and other right-wing groups. The agency's monthly house organ, the "Wackenhut Security Review," systematically decried the subversive inspiration in virtually all the protest movements of the 60s, from civil rights to peace. The vigilance earned the publication the accolade of right-wing organizations, including (in 1962) the George Washington Honor Medal and the Freedom Foundation Award at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania; and (in 1965 and 1966) the Vigilant Patriots Award from the All-American Conference to Combat Communism.'
"Of all the articles written about Wackenhut Corporation, probably the most provocative was written by John Connolly for SPY magazine, published in September 1992, pp. 46 – 54. Connolly, a former New York police officer turned writer, began his story with the following introduction: 'What? A big private company – one with a board of former CIA, FBI and Pentagon official; one in charge of protecting nuclear-weapon facilities, nuclear reactors, the Alaskan oil pipeline and more than a dozen American embassies abroad; one with long-standing ties to a radical right-wing organization; one with 30,000 men and women underarms – secretly helped Iraq in its effort to obtain sophisticated weapons? And fueled unrest in Venezuela? This is all the plot of a new best-selling thriller, right? Or the ravings of some overheated conspiracy buff, right? Right? Wrong.'
"Connolly highlighted George Wackenhut as a 'hard-line right-winger' who was able to profit from his beliefs by building dossiers on Americans suspected of being Communists or left-leaning 'subversives and sympathizers' and selling the information to interested parties. By 1965, Wackenhut was boasting to potential investors that the company maintained files on 2.5 million suspected dissidents – one in 46 American adults then living.
"In 1966, after acquiring the private files of Karl Barslaag, a former staff member of the House Committee on un-American Activities, Wackenhut could confidently maintain that with more than 4 million names, it had the largest privately held file on suspected dissidents in America.
"Connolly wrote that it was not possible to overstate the special relationship that Wackenhut enjoys with the federal government. Richard Babayan, claiming to be a CIA contract employee, told SPY that 'Wackenhut has been used by the CIA and other intelligence agencies for years. When they [the CIA] needed cover, Wackenhut is there to provide it for them.' 
"Another CIA agent, Bruce Berckmans, who was assigned to the CIA station in Mexico City, but left the agency in January 1975 (putatively) to become a Wackenhut international-operations vice president, told SPY that he had seen a formal proposal submitted by George Wackenhut to the CIA offering Wackenhut offices throughout the world as fronts for CIA activities. In 1981, Berckmans joined was other senior Wackenhut executives to form the company's Special Projects Division... 
 "SPY also printed testimony from William Corbett, a terrorism expert who spent 18 years as a CIA analyst and is now an ABC News consultant in Europe. Said Corbett, 'For years Wackenhut has been involved with the CIA and other intelligence organizations, including the DEA. Wackenhut would allow the CIA to occupy positions within the company [in order to carry out] clandestine operations. Additionally, Corbett said that Wackenhut supplied intelligence agencies with information, and it was compensated for this – 'in a quid pro quo arrangement' – with government contracts worth billions of dollars over the years.
"On page 51, in a box entitled, 'Current and Former Wackenhut Directors,' SPY published the following names: 'John Ammarell, former FBI agent; Robert Chasen, former FBI agent; Clarence Kelley, former FBI director; Willis Hawkins, former assistant secretary of the Army; Paul X. Kelley, four-star general (ret.), U.S. Marine Corps; Seth McKee, former commander in chief, North American Air Defense Command; Bernard Schriever, former member, President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board; Frank Carlucci, former Defense Secretary and former deputy CIA director; Joseph Carroll, former director, Defense Intelligence Agency; James Rawley, former director, U.S. Secret Service; Bobby Ray Inman, former deputy CIA director.' "
(The Last Circle, Cheri Seymour, pgs. 45-47)

Wackenhut also appears extensively in the PROMIS scandal that resulted in the 'suicide' of journalist Danny Casolaro and which has vexed authorities for several decades now. Wackenhut was also the security company charges with guarding the mysterious Area 51 for many years.

Regular readers of this blog will not be surprised to learn that there was overlap between Wackenhut and the notorious American Security Council (ASC). The ASC was for many years the chief "think tank" and lobby group for the military industrial-complex, bringing together a rogue's gallery of "former" far right wing military and intelligence officers with the ample resources provided by many of the United States' largest defense contractors and other assorted interests.

In some ways the ASC can be seen as a rival to the long time bugaboo of the conspiratorial right, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). But unlike the CFR, which was exclusively a lobby group/think tank. the ASC was also effectively a full blown private intelligence network as well. With the assistance of large investigative firms such as Wackenhut and the Burns and Pinkerton detective agencies as well as the private security divisions of various multinational clients and even a few "grassroots" networks (i.e Western Goals), the ASC kept enormous amounts of files on "subversive" Americans that it made available to its corporate clients. It is likely that this network constituted an officially sanctioned continuation of blacklisting in countless industries deemed vital to the national defense that continued in one form or another well into the 1980s. Much more information on the ASC and its deep intrigues can be found here.

Keep the ASC in mind dear reader as we shall return to them again. But for now let us return to the WNP and the organization's ties to Wackenhut:
"... The Wackenhut outfit followed... to Belgium, where it was soon working for the local military and NATO. Wackenhut also drew for some of its employees on the Westland New Post paramilitaries. One of these was a known bomber and hit man, the Frenchman Jean-Francois Calmette, a notorious veteran of the OAS rebellion against de Gaulle and a close conspirator of Yves Guerin-Serac. He was director of the Belgian division of Wackenhut up until 1981, while doubling as senior Westland New Post commander. These were curious relationships for such a prominent businessman in the security business. Among his more exotic activities was looking after security for a lavish tinselled Christmas gala, the ultimate fantasy of a Gladio Ball staged in a swank Brussels hotel. The guests at what was officially a Vanden Boeynants party read like a VIP Who's Who of the Belgian secret state. Beneath the sparkling chandeliers, a Belgian industrialist consort was likely to take the floor with a member of a NATO-sponsored street gang as a high-flying army officer.
"In 1982, [Marcel] Barbier was assigned as a Wackenhut security guard to the synagogue on the Rue de la Regence in Brussels. During his watch, it mysteriously blew up. The plans of the building were later found in Barbier's home. This same Marcel Barbier was later discovered to be a close personal associate Paul Latinus, effectively his deputy. The plot thickens. Security duties agreed with the Belgian army involved the strange melting away of Wackenhut security patrols during a number of incidents in which these bases were supposedly 'attacked' by revolutionary forces. In every case, the Strategy of Tension assaults were mounted by paramilitary units, with Westland New Post to the fore. On occasion they were directly supported by US army units, as when a troop from US special forces flew in from Fort Bragg and parachuted into the Ardennes. They hid up for a few days, and then with the aid of local SDRA-8 people, shot up a gendamerie post in the small town of Vielsalm, killing one officer. On another occasion, a similar US-led raid on an army barracks was supposedly pulled on 'higher orders' from Brussels. The Americans (DIA paramilitaries or perhaps members of some other ultra-secret Pentagon unit) continued to cruise the neighborhood camouflaged in civilian clothes, and then went in on their own to attack the barracks, leaving two fatalities and a dozen injured.
"In the mid-1980s, Wackenhut closed down in Belgium, amid reports of marching orders from the Minister of Defense. It may have been that things got too hot for comfort, and the chief clients wanted the show out of town. Judged in the light of later events, Wackenhut's activities in Belgium anticipated mercenary activities by trigger-happy private security contractors of several decades later, notably the infamous Blackwater outfit."
(Gladio: NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe, Richard Cottrell, pgs. 306-307)
The above-mentioned Jean-Francois Calmette was an associate of Yves Guerin-Serac and thus an asset of Aginter Press, an organization that has appeared time and again amongst many of the figures already considered in the first part of this series as well as likely Gladio operations in Italy previously covered before here. And while Wackenhut may have pulled up stakes in the mid-1980s, the ruthless guard Marcel Barbier would find work with an even for mysterious private security firm. It was known as the European Institute of Management (EIM).

EIM seems to have had an international scope though its operations were largely based out of Europe. There was apparently much overlap with Wackenhut personnel, as we shall see. Beyond that, EIM also did business with another major American private intelligence service in the 1970s: Intertel.

Intertel itself has a most curious background:
"... a mysterious entity called Intertel, known especially and remarkably for its composition of former organized crime strike force attorneys from Robert Kennedy's Justice Department. Even more interestingly, Intertel was a fully-owned subsidiary of Resorts International – a company with a 'predilection for funny-money often connected to organized crime associates,' as one scholar described it. Formerly the Mary Carter Paint Company, which was widely considered to be a CIA front that laundered payments to the Cuban exile Army in the sixties, Resorts International now owned several Bahamian casinos and was thought to be dominated by Meyer Lansky. The IRS considered Intertel, originally incorporated in 1962 by Lansky associates, 'an organized crime enterprise of some type aimed at the Bahamas,' as one account summed up the agency's view. Robert Peloquin and William Hundley, Kennedy's top crime fighters, had joined the firm and recruited operatives from the CIA, FBI, IRS, Secret Service, and other intelligence agencies. Staffed exclusively by what one author called 'Get Hoffa agents,' it was likened to a corporate CIA..."
(The Money and the Power, Sally Denton & Roger Morris, pg. 284) 
Robert Peloquin, a long time fixture in Intetel
Intertel was actually incorporated in 1970, Resorts International in 1962. The latter was dominated by the notorious Castle Bank and Trust:
"The bank was established by Paul Helliwell, a former OSS China hand with a background in drug-trade intelligence. After the war, Helliwell had run CIA front companies in Florida. Through his Bahamian bank, and the companion institution in Florida, millions of dollars were funneled for covert military operations staged off Andros Island in the Bahamas. Castle also facilitated tax evasion, and, in its trust-company capacity, voted the shares of certain nonresident owners of Resorts International, the top Lansky-era casino operation on Nassau. When one of their shareholder so strongly objected to the way Castle was voting his shares that he sued the bank, the scheme began to unravel."
(Hot Money and the Politics of Debt, R.T. Naylor, pg. 315)
Resorts International was addressed briefly before here in relation to the above-mentioned shareholder who sued Castle: William Mellon Hitchcock, a scion of the notorious Mellon family who would fund Timothy Leary and the Brotherhood of Eternal Love in the 1960s. As for Helliwell, much of the seed capital for his operations came from Kuomintang drug money --the same source of funding that was so instrumental to the American Security Council and the World Anti-Communist League (as noted before here).

But back to the matter at hand. EIM had close links to an organization believed to have been controlling Front de la Jeunesse (Francis Dossogne and Latinus had of course both been key figures in FJ with the former as its head and the latter as a chief deputy, as noted above). The organization that linked EIM to the FJ (and later Westland New Post) was an outfit known as the Public Information Office (PIO). Here's a bit of information on this network:
"... In this domain we find the Public Information Office (PIO) which cropped up in 1974. In a sense, the name was an appropriate pun on its actual task, to act as a sponsor private army headed by one Major Jean-Marie Bougerol. He was a member of SDRA-8 – heart of the Belgian state-behind network. He was also one of the chief suspects... behind a projected Right-wing coup – the 'April Crisis' of 1973...
"Bougerol seemed ideal for the task of masterminding the coup. He enjoyed high patronage, and he specialised in all kinds of sabotage and secret operations. From this scarcely veiled front for NATO, Bougerol gave orders to the head of the Front de la Jeunesse, one Francis Dossogne. Bougerol busied himself in other ways, turning up as an instructor at training camps deep in the Ardennes forest run by the French and Flemish neo-Nazi militias. He was assisted by commandos from regular Belgian Army units. The major traveled around extensively with other members of the Gladio network, and was noted at various times conferring with his opposite numbers and Italy, Greece and Portugal, and especially in the Netherlands and France. He had the air of a senior staff officer or even an ambassador enjoying important responsibilities."
(Gladio: NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe, Richard Cottrell, pgs. 305-306)

More will be said on the so-called "April Crisis" in a future installment. For now, it is worth noting the PIO had extensive ties to both the PSC (the above-mentioned right wing political party several victims of the Brabant massacres were affiliated with) as well as EIM. The links to the PSC will be addressed in a future installment so that I can focus on EIM here. For the links to EIM I turn to the invaluable Institute for the Study of Globalization and Covert Politics (ISGP), which is a real treasure trove for non-English sources. ISGP notes:
"Like Front de la Jeunesse, PIO was officially disbanded in 1981. However, Bougerol and his group did not disappear. PIO was absorbed into a completely private entity named the European Institute of Management (EIM). Bougerol was followed up by none other than long-time ambassador Douglas MacArthur II [240], a nephew of the famous general and by this time a very close friend and business associate of Sun Myung Moon. [241] Like PIO had controlled Front de la Jeunesse, so EIM remained in control of Latinus' Westland New Post and likely several other aspects of the fascist underground. Marcel Barbier, head of security of WNP, joined EIM. [242] Just as interesting, gendarme colonel Rene Mayerus became administrative-director of EIM. [243] Mayerus had been a co-founder of the Special Intervention Squadron (Diana Group), and was a close acquaintance of Jean Bougerol, not to mention WNP members Bouhouche and Wackenhut director Calmette. [244] He referred people looking for a security expert to WNP head Paul Latinus. [245] After his retirement Mayerus was suspected of having spied on the BOB in Brussels for EIM and to have recruited Bougerol into EIM. [246]."
The presence of Douglas MacArthur II, the nephew of the legendary general, is most eyebrow raising. MacArthur II was a long time US Ambassador widely suspected of being an intelligence asset. ISGP provides what is easily the best biography of this little remarked upon figure:
"Biography of Douglas MacArthur II, complied from the Who's Who, old newspaper archives and the internet:
"Born in 1909; Episcopalian; nephew of the famous general; member Yale Wolf's head society; ambassador to Paris 1938-1940; ambassador to the Fascist Vichy government 1940-1942; held in Nazi internment for 16 months after Petain broke off relations with the US in 1942; member General Eisenhower's SHAEF staff in 1944; ambassador to Italy 1944-1948; became chief of the State Department's Division of European Affairs in 1949; political advisor to SHAPE headquarters in France 1951-1952; counselor US Department State in Washington 1953-1957; member CFR from the 1950s to the late 1980s; ambassador to Japan in Tokyo 1957-1961; ambassador to Brussels 1961-1965; assistant secretary of state and head of the State Department's Bureau of Congressional Relations 1965-1967; ambassador to Austria 1967-1969; ambassador to Iran during the Shah's reign 1969-1972 (retired after evading a kidnapping attempt); independent international affairs consultant in Washington 1972-1997; director Banque Bruxelles Lambert (only source: 1998, Stef Janssens,'The names from the cover up', p. 95): "; since 1981, chair of the European Institute of Management (EIM), a privatized fascist army intelligence group which tried to undermine the Belgian democratic process and appears to have been at the center of a child abuse, torture and murder ring; member of the editorial advisory board of The Washington Times since Sun Myung Moon founded it in 1982; chaired Moon's World Media Conference in Tokyo in the mid-1980s; openly supported the Women's Federation for World Peace when Moon founded it in 1987; founding chair of Sun Myung Moon-funded Panda Motor Corp in China since 1988, a company that went bankrupt within a few years (October 16, 1989, Daily Herald, 'Moon-backed Panda car drives into skepticism of auto industry'); his uncle Douglas MacArthur saved Moon during the invasion of Korea; big supporter of the UN's Temple of Understanding; died in 1997." 
MacArthur II
Three of MacArthur's postings as an ambassador or an assistant to are especially noteworthy: Vichy France, Italy and Belgium during those respective time periods.

In the case of the Vichy regime, MacArthur II seems to have been at the forefront of American intrigues during the early 1940s. There is evidence that he attempted to recruit key Vichy military officers to the side of the United States:
"A short time afterward Admiral Leahy received further instructions to convey a special message from the President to either Petain or Weygand or both. This message recalled that the President was about the best friend the French had, and that one of his most cherished wishes was to see France restored to the splendid position she had enjoyed throughout history. This meant also the French Empire. But any concessions that France might make to the Axis would hurt the United States...
"On January 20 Douglas MacArthur 2nd, of the American Embassy at Vichy, conferred secretly with Weygand in a hotel near Nice. He delivered the President's oral and written messages, but elicited nothing but a discouraging reply..." 
(Our Vichy Gamble, William L. Langer, pg. 210)
Admiral William Leahy, who served as the US Ambassador to Vichy France; MacArthur II was charged by Leahy to make overtures to members of the Vichy regime 
MacArthur II's overtures occurred in early 1941 and may have resulted in his ultimate incarceration that seemingly did not end until France had been liberated. Curiously, MacArthur II's imprisonment has received strikingly little commentary despite the fact that his uncle was the supreme commander of US forces in the Far East by 1942. The individual MacArthur II approached is also quite interesting.

General Maxime Weygand was a highly dedicated French officer who had been born in Brussels. It was long rumored that he was the illegitimate son of either Empress Carlota of Mexico (a Belgian princess who married Maximilian I of Mexico, an Austria noble who briefly ruled mexico as a puppet of the French Empire during the 1860s) or Leopold II of Belgium (one of the most brutal European kings in the continent's history; Leopold II's involvement in the Belgium Congo was briefly addressed in pat one of this series). Thus, it would seem that Weygand was likely part Belgian, which is interesting considering MacArthur II's extensive involvement with the country in later years.

There have also long been allegations that Weygand was involved in the bizarre French secret society known as La Cagoule and may have had some involvement in the synarchist movement due to his reputed marriage to the grand-niece of Frenchman Joseph Alexandre Saint-Yves, the father of modern synarchy. These claims are hard to substantiate, but I have included them due to the links La Cagoule and synarchy had to another organization that shall be considered in a future installment of this series. Synarchy also appeared in the first installment of this series in relation to the Order of the Solar Temple. But moving along.

Italy's politics were especially turbulent in the late 1940s, with the possibility of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) achieving a deceive victory in the 1948 elections. The CIA and other US and allied intelligence services poured enormous amounts of money into Italy during the '47-'48 period in order to hold off the Communists. It worked and MacArthur II was apparently working with the US ambassadorial staff during this time frame. Given that there is typically close collaboration between CIA and the State Department (with many CIA station chiefs either holding posts as ambassadors or high ranking members in the ambassadorial staff in the host nation) in these types of matters, it seems all but certain MacArthur played a role in these intrigues.

His time in Belgium in the 1960s coincided with the height of the so-called Congo Crisis, in which the US intelligence community and their allied counterparts were deeply immersed in the Congo so as to prevent the resource rich African nation from falling into the Communist sphere. Belgium, due to its long colonial rule over the Congo, was the primary European ally of the United States in these events. Thus, MacArthur II would have been well placed to act as a liaisons to Belgium and US secret services during this period.

MacArthur II was also in Iran during the time frame when the Shah's regime was becoming increasingly unstable. He seems to have been replaced by the "former" CIA director Richard Helms. MacArthur also spent time in Japan where his legendary uncle had built up a considerable power base.

The Pipe
General Douglas MacArthur was one of the most powerful figures in the history of the American deep state and numerous military men who served under The Pipe in the Pacific Theater and during Korea would continue to wield enormous power within the American deep state for decades afterwards. MacArthur and his associates were major power brokers behind two organizations we have already encountered in this series: the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and the American Security Council (ASC). More information on MacArthur ties to and influence over these organizations can be found here.

It seems that Douglas MacArthur II became a fixture in many of these same circles by the 1960s, though his base of operations seemed to be geared more towards Europe whereas The Pipe always drew his strength from the Far East (though there was one enormously influential MacArthur man highly active in Europe during this period, as we shall see). More will be said on this curious figure in a future installment. For now I shall bring this to a conclusion. In the next installment we shall begin to explore the darkest allegations facing Belgium's fascist underground. Stay tuned.