Monday, February 9, 2015

The Family Part V


Welcome to the fifth installment in my examination of the elite and highly secretive Christian sect variously known as "The Family" or "The Fellowship." In the first installment of this series Abraham (Abram) Vereide, the founder of the organization, and the religious vision that served as his inspiration for the Family were considered as well as a "chance" encounter with a "former" military officer of some means who provided early financial backing for the organization.

Vereide
Part two moved along to the Family's early efforts in union busting and the possibility that it had forged ties with the Pentagon and the US intelligence community at a very early date via the murky netherworld sometimes referred to as "industrial security." The third installment of this series considered the Family's extensive dealings with the US fascist underground prior to the Second World War while part four examined the organization's efforts to recruit numerous "former" Nazis in the ruins of post-war Germany.

With this installment I would say a word about the next generation of leadership that had began to supplant Vereide in the late 1950s and which laid the ground work for the truly international efforts of the Family during the second half of the twentieth century. Several of these individuals show indications of a "deep" background. Consider, for instance, Clifton J. Robinson, supposedly a mild-mannered missionary who specialized in Asia, opening several key frontiers for the Family. Robinson's missionary work was reportedly influenced by a most curious source he encountered during his time in the Far East.
"Among his most fruitful meetings was time spent with William H. Sullivan, U.S. ambassador to Laos. As chairman of the State Department's Vietnam Working Group in 1963, Sullivan had been one of the architects of the war, a de facto 'field marshal,' according to General William Westmoreland. Such a man was an unlikely source of inspiration for Robinson, who called himself a Quaker. But preaching Abram's ideal overseas had put him at odds with the Society of Friends. Like another lapsed Quaker, Richard Nixon, Robinson had no patience for pacifism. He saw himself as a man of action, a 'jungle' missionary on the move. He spoke with a quick velvety voice of an old-time radio announcer and used it to dispense axioms and analogies about the need for key men in the Cold War, Bruce Barton jingles as interpreted by James Jesus Angleton, top man religion as geopolitical strategy. Sullivan provided fodder for Robinson's commando theology.
"'He said the strategy of the VC was the same as International Christian Leadership's,' gushed Robinson, 'except applied physically and militarily.' Robinson's vision of Worldwide Spiritual Offensive could not yet accommodate Ho Chi Minh's tactics, but Sullivan convinced him their enemy was a worthy one. 'They spent hours, days, weeks, whatever time is necessary setting up for the LEADERS and then either by ambush, assassination, or other intrigue, they do away with them – not the people, the leaders. He said to kill  32 top level people' – as the Vietcong had done the previous month – 'was tantamount to immobilizing thousands.'
"The lesson was that the Fellowship should understand itself as a guerrilla force on the spiritual battlefield. Specifically, Sullivan, who directed the CIA's 'secret air war' in Laos and turned its Hmong minority into cannon fodder against the North Vietnamese, wanted the Fellowship to recruit Buddhist businessmen to collaboration by matching them with Jaycees under the guise of a ' "brotherhood of leadership" – or some such slogan.' Robinson also took Sullivan's words as an endorsement of Abram's key man strategy...
"Evangelical steamroller such as the Billy Graham Crusade might win millions, but the Fellowship could neutralize the enemy – 'bold satanic forces,' as Abram described it, the Vietcong's 'sweep of communism,' America's 'secular cyclone' – by conquering the select few souls of the strong. 'Assassination' was just a figure of speech to Robinson; Abram wanted elites to 'die to the self,' to submit totally to Jesus of their own volition even as they held on tightly to the power that could advance His kingdom. Long after Abram's death –  and Ho's total victory in Vietnam – the Fellowship would distribute a tract purporting to be 'ten steps to commitment from a Vietcong soldier.' "
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pgs. 206-207)
Sullivan
Ambassador William H Sullivan is a man with a most curious history. At the time that he was advising Robinson from Laos, some very strange things were unfolding in that country as well as in surrounding nations.
"The junction of Burma, Thailand, and Laos, the Golden Triangle, is the site of the bulk of the world's opium production and thereby the source of enormous fortunes for the French and later the Americans. The French held effective control over the Southeast Asian opium traffic until 1965. Between 1946 and 1955 the Mixed Airborne Commando Group (MACG) and the French Air Force managed the shipment of opium from Burma to Laos. A guerrilla corps comprised mostly of Laotian Meo tribesmen and led by Colonel Roger Trinquier,  MACG remained unusually independent despite its direct connection to the SDECE and Deuxieme (Second) Bureau. To finance their secret Indochina operations, these organizations turned to the smuggling of gold and opium, with MACG in charge of the latter. Large quantities of opium were shipped to French Saigon headquarters and passed on to the Corsican Mafia, who in turn smuggled the drug to Marseilles.
"When the French withdrew from Indochina  in1955 after their defeat by the Vietminh, and after the CIA pushed aside the SDECE, MACG leaders communicating through CIA agent Lucien Conein offered the Americans their entire guerrilla force. Against Conein's advice they refused. History would cast doubt on the wisdom of that decision.
"In 1955 CIA agent General Edward Lansdale began a war to liquidate the Corsican supply network. While Lansdale was cracking down on the French infrastructure, his employer the CIA was running proprietaries, like Sea Supply and CAT, that worked hand-in-hand with the opium-smuggling Nationalist Chinese of the Golden Triangle, and with the corrupt Thai border police.
"The Lansdale/Corsican vendetta lasted several years, during which many attempts were made on Lansdale's life. Oddly enough, his principal informant on Corsican drug routes and connections was the former French Foreign Legionnaire, Lucien Conein, then of the CIA. Conein knew just about every opium field, smuggler, trail, airstrip, and Corsican in Southeast Asia. He spent his free time with the Corsicans, who considered him one of their own. Apparently they never realized it was he who was turning them in.
"When Lansdale returned from Vietnam in the late fifties, the Corsicans recouped some of their losses, chartering aging aircraft to establish Air Opium, which functioned until around 1965. That year, the Corsicans' nemesis Lansdale returned to Vietnam as advisor to Ambabassador Lodge. There was also an upheaval in the narcotics traffic, and perhaps the two were connected. CIA-backed South Vietnamese and Laotian generals began taking over the opium traffic – and as they did so, increasing amounts of morphine and low-quality heroin began showing up on the Saigon market.
"The first heroin refineries sprang up in Laos under the control General Ouane Rattikone. President Ky in Saigon was initially in charge of smuggling from the Laotian refineries to the South Vietnamese; and Lansdale's office, it is to be remembered, was working closely with Ky. Lansdale himself was one of Ky's heartiest supporters, and Conein went along with whatever Lansdale said.
"One result of the smuggling takeover by the generals was the end of the Corsican's Air Opium. The KMT Chinese and Meo tribesmen who cultivated raw opium either transported it themselves to the refineries or had flown there by the CIA via CAT and its successor, Air America, another agency proprietary. Though the Corsicans still sent drugs to Marseilles, the price was becoming prohibitive, since they were forced to buy opium and morphine in Saigon and Vientiane rather than pick up the opium for peanuts in the mountains.
"In 1967, a three-sided opium war broke out in Laos between a Burmese Shan State warlord, KMT Chinese and General Rattikone's Laotian army. Rattikone emerged victorious, capturing the opium shipment with the help of U.S.-supplied aircraft. The KMT, for its part, managed to reassert its dominance over the warlord. The smuggling picture was becoming simplified, with Southeast Asian opium divided among fewer hands, and most of the Corsicans out of the way.
 "General Lansdale returned to the U.S. in 1967, leaving Conein in Vietnam. The next year Conein greeted a new boss, William Colby. Since 1962 Colby had run the agency's special division for covert operations in Southeast Asia, where his responsibilities included the 'secret' CIA war in Laos with its 30,000-man Meo army. He shared that responsibility with the U.S. ambassador in Laos, William H. Sullivan, who would later preside over the Tehran embassy during the fall of the Shah."
(The Great Heroin Coup, Henrik Kruger, pgs. 133-134)

There is evidence that not only was Sullivan knee deep in one of the hottest drug trafficking zones in the entire world at the time, but that he was actively protecting Agency-backed drug trafficking occurring there. Consider, for instance, an account given by Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN, the predecessor agency to the DEA) agent Al Habib, who was sent there to investigate the heroin trafficking:
"...  Eager to get back abroad, Habib took his place. 'I went on a ninety-day TDY,' he recalls, 'and after the initial shock, I wound up staying two years.'
"The initial shock, of course, was the CIA. 'Taylor had gotten in trouble in Laos,' Habib recalls, 'and eventually he sent me there to patch things up. I reported to the Embassy in  Vientiane, where I was met by a CIA officer. He asked me what I wanted, and I told him I was there to make narcotics cases. Well, that made him nervous, so he called the marine guard. Then he told me to "Stay here until we come to get you." And I sat there under guard until they took me to see Ambassador William Sullivan.'
"Habib laughs sarcastically. 'I'm sitting in Sullivan's office surrounded by a gang of menacing CIA officers. Sullivan introduces himself and asked if I would please explain what I'm doing in Laos. I say I'm there to work undercover with the police, to locate morphine labs. To which he replies, "Are you serious?" At which point a CIA officer says to me, "You! Don't do anything!" Meanwhile Sullivan goes to his office and composes a yard-line telegram to Secretary Rusk saying, in effect, "Don't they know that Laos [which had withdrawn from the Single Convention in 1963] is off-limits?" Then they tell me how Taylor set up an undercover buy from a guy. He got a flash roll together and went to the meet covered by the Vientiane police. When the guy stepped out of the car and opens the trunk, the police see it's the king of the Meos. The police run away, and Taylor busts General Vang Pao, alone...'
"Habib returns to his story. 'A few days after Sullivan sends his telegram, Rusk writes back and says, "Let him at them." So Sullivan calls me into his office and says, "Okay. You can work. But don't forget, they're fighting a war for us."'
"In effect, Sullivan limited Habib's investigation of the regional heroin traffic to the involvement of non-CIA Americans. Sullivan referred have up to Public Safety Advisor Paul Skuse in this regard, and Skuse said that no Americans were involved, that Air Force General Ouane Rattikone was the drug lord, but that the Laotian prime minister protected him. The local US Information Service officers likewise said no Americans  were involved, as did Robert Rosselot, president of the CIA-connected Continental Air Service..."
(The Strength of the Wolf, Douglas Valentine, pgs. 333-335)
Ouane Rattikone
So it would seem that at roughly the same time that Sullivan was protecting CIA-sanctioned drug traffickers from investigation by the FBN, he was also advising Family man Clifton Robinson on "spiritual offensives" and requesting that he recruit Buddhist businessmen into "collaboration." But that real question is, did either man ever use the expression "Heroin for Jesus" (a concept hardly without president, as noted before here).

Nor was Robinson the only member of the Family's upper hierarchy with such contacts. There was also Richard Halverson (who, along with Robinson and Doug Coe, was one of the three men vying to be Abram's heir apparent).
"Halverson's story, like that of the Family's, began in 1935, when he got off the bus in Hollywood fresh from North Dakota, where he'd grown up with the unlikely ambition of being an actor. Blandly handsome by small-town standards, in Los Angeles he hardly looked like movie star material: his lips were too full, his cheeks too chubby, his eyes too deeply set. He wasn't bad looking, but he wasn't Clark Gable, either. His strength was a certain gee-whiz sincerity, an earnestness augmented by intelligence. Dick Halverson wasn't a good guy because he didn't know any better; he was a good guy because he calculated the angles and concluded that decency was his best bet in this world.
"Thereafter, he pursued it mightily. In later years, Halverson would  help build up one of the world's largest relief agencies, World Vision, a Christian outfit that supplies food for the starving and medicine for the wounded and gospel tracks only to those who ask. Although it has long been plagued by accusations of serving as a CIA front, World Vision's verifiable record is admirable – the sort of Christian efforts which Abram paid lip service and nothing more. But Halverson also helped build the Fellowship into a network of truly international scope, introducing the American Christ to any number of nations. Halverson, in other words, was an imperialist of the old school, bringing light to the natives and clearing the way for other men to extract a dollar. He was no hypocrite. He believed with all his heart he was helping, and he never thought too deeply about whom. Halverson loved public speaking, and he was good at it, too, invited to preach in  pulpits around the world. He wrote popular books and mailed out newsletters and presided over a conservative Presbyterian church outside of Washington that was popular with politicians. In 1981, Ronald Reagan would make him Senate chaplain, the pinnacle of his career."  
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pgs. 209-210)

 The accusations that World Vision, the organization for which Halverson fronted for, was a CIA front are quite compelling.
"World Vision, the largest evangelical relief and development agency, was started in 1950 by Bob Pierce, a spiritual 'brother' of Billy Graham. Pierce helped Graham build the Youth for Christ teams after World War II... 
"Like Wycliffe Bible Translators, World Vision is theologically evangelical but not 'charismatic.' From a sprawling corporate offices in southern California, World Vision administers hundreds of millions of dollars worth of relief projects in 80 countries. The largest projects are in Africa, followed by Latin America and Asia. World Vision's 1987 budget was over $145 million, with more than 20 percent coming from the US Agency for International Development (AID) and 'gifts in kind,' meaning government supplied food.
"World Vision's accounting practices make it difficult to determine exactly how the government money is spent. In 1987, for example, World Vision reported that 46 percent of its income was used for the broad category 'Relief, Development, and Christian Leadership,' without breaking down which portions of the funds go for strictly evangelistic purposes.
"The U.S. AID is an arm of the U.S. State Department, and its relief and development projects are designed to increase Third World political and economic dependence on the United States. Because World Vision's evangelicalism and humanitarian programs are woven together in a seamless web, AID directly finances World Vision's proselytization of Third World aid recipients...
"In tandem with its food distribution and leadership training for indigenous believers, World Vision has on a number of occasions functioned as an intelligence gathering arm of the U.S. government. In the 1970s, World Vision was charged with having collected field data for the CIA in Vietnam. After U.S. troops left the region, World Vision played a major role in the administration of refugee camps.
"By the early 1980s, World Vision was in charge of medical services for Hmong refugees in northern Thailand camps... World Vision also became a crucial player in the 'yellow rain' campaign  to discredit the Soviet Union. In 1981, Secretary of State Alexander Haig announced that the Vietnamese, with help from the Soviets, were waging biological warfare in Laos. Haig's evidence was a supposedly toxic leaf and twig provided to him by Soldier of Fortune mercenaries in the area and refugee testimonies that they had seen yellow raindrops from aircraft over Laos. The administration never produce a single piece of ordinance to bolster the charges. The scientific community was generally skeptical of the biological warfare thesis, and instead offered varying hypotheses that the yellow substance might have been bee feces or naturally occurring fungal toxins. World Vision was drawn into the plot when the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok requested that the relief agency send medical samples taken from Hmong refugees who claimed to have been poisoned by 'yellow rain.' According to a missionary working with refugees in Thailand, World Vision's dependence on U.S. grant money obligated it to comply with requests that refugee blood samples be sent to the U.S. embassy rather than to more impartial investigators.
"By 1988, the mission agency was again involved in Vietnam. World Vision president Robert Seiple, who as a former marine piloted 300 bombing missions over North Vietnam, returned to the country he helped destroy to offer prostatic devices for some of Vietnam's 60,000 amputees.
"In July 1980, World Vision became one of five agencies working with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to provide food, shelter and other services to more than 20,000 Salvadoran refugees who had fled into Honduras. From the start, World Vision was openly critical of CEDEN, the mainstream Protestant aid organization appointed by the United Nations to coordinate relief efforts. Inside the camps, World Vision workers preached against the 'communist religious workers' from the other refugee agencies.
"The most serious incident occurred in May 1981, when World Vision played a role in the deaths of three Salvadoran refugees. One evening, two new Salvadoran refugees arrived at the Colomoncagua camp after the immigration office had closed for the day. Instead of waiting to register them in the morning, as was the usual practice, the World Vision camp coordinator took them to the local Honduran army post where they were immediately arrested. A short time later, Honduran soldiers entered the camp and arrested two of the refugees. World Vision administrators did not report the incident to the other relief agencies. The next day, one of the rest of refugees was released, but three days later the bodies of the other three were found shot to death on the Salvadoran side of the border.
"World Vision insisted that the incident was accidental and uncharacteristic of its ministry in the camps, but admitted that its credibility problem in Central America began when it allowed its staff to come under the control of an anticommunist Cuban exile, a Nicaraguan exile evangelist and a group of Honduran military veterans. One person on the World Vision staff was a member of the Honduran military. Aside from these 'bad apples,' World Vision – as a policy – maintained records on all Salvadoran aid recipients and filed daily reports by telephone and telex with the World Vision office in Costa Rica. World Vision's extensive information-gathering procedures bolster charges that the group is collaborating with the CIA."
(Spiritual Warfare, Sara Diamond, pgs. 220-222)

The U.S. Agency for International Development (AID), from which a good chunk of World Vision's funding was provided year in and year out, had a long standing relationship with the CIA as well. Consider, for instance, this one particular bit of collaboration:
"Until 1974 the training of torturers and members of Latin American death squads came under the auspices of the CIA and USAID's Office of Public Safety. Some 100,000 Brazilian policemen, for example, were trained and 523 of them were chosen for courses in the U.S.A. They were trained at the International Police Academy in Georgetown, Washington, D.C. and at a secret CIA center in the same city on R Street, under cover of International Police Services, Inc. When school was out the prize pupils returned home to work, besides CIA advisers, as functionaries or torturers in such effective repression apparatuses as Sao Paulo's Operaco Bandeirantes Many would moonlight with the Death Squads."
(The Great Heroin Coup, Henrik Kruger, pgs. 164-165)

The above-mentioned Hmong tribesmen had been deeply involved in the heroin trafficking of Laos during the Vietnam war and for several years afterwards. In other words, these were the same individuals Ambassador William Sullivan was protecting during his tour in Laos. Certainly it is curious that these two men, Clifton Robinson and Richard Halverson, who would vie for control of the Family as Vereide's health began to decline seem to have traveled within the orbit of Southeast Asian heroin trafficking.

Before moving along to the man who actually succeeded Vereide, another point must be made about World Vision: The group's founder, Bob Pierce, cut his teeth with an organization known as Youth for Christ. The movement features more than a few names that should be immediately familiar to regular readers of this blog:
"An important item in evangelical folklore is the story of how William Randolph Hearst of newspaper empire fame and Henry Luce, head of Time, Inc., helped launch the career of an itinerant evangelist named Billy Graham. After World War II, when the national preoccupation with the Communist Menace coincided with the birth of Graham's Youth for Christ organization, the two media moguls decided to promote Graham and his conservative message in their respective media outlets. In late 1949, so the story goes, Hearst send a telegram to all of his editors: 'Puff Graham,' which the editors dutifully did in Hearst-controlled newspapers, magazines, movies and newsreels. Luce likewise promoted Billy Graham, who by the mid-1950s was preaching: 'Either communism must die, or Christianity must die.' That worldview no doubt is what made Graham eligible for a Time cover story in October 1954.
"The Hearst and Luce media outlets puffed much more than Billy Graham, who initially was little more than a figurehead for Youth for Christ (YFC), perhaps the most successful of the postwar 'parachurch' organizations. The idea behind Youth for Christ was both to capture new converts and to revitalize evangelical Christianity among the already converted through a network of youth groups not associated with any particular church. Beginning in 1945, YFC sponsored Saturday night rallies with contemporary music, guest appearances by war veterans and media stars, combined with exuberant preaching and finally a call for young people to commit themselves to Jesus. The formula was simple and successful: by mid-1946, the movement had grown to some 900 rallies and involved about one million young people...
"Another key was timing. Youth for Christ was launched at a time when youth was a primary focus of concern in the United States. Many young men were off fighting in the war and those returning often look for help in readjusting to civilian life. Youth for Christ focused on testimonies of teenage rebels made more stable by conversion to Christianity. 'Police chiefs, governors, newspaper editors and reportedly President Truman – all applauded the rallies' wholesome contributions to community life.' After the war, the YFC message remained relevant as the national ideological focus shifted to moral and political superiority over the Soviet Union. In fact, immediately after the war, Gen. Douglas MacArthur invited YFC missionaries to Japan to 'provide the surest foundation for the firm establishment of democracy.' "
(Spiritual Warfare, Sara Diamond, pgs. 10-11)
Billy Graham
Henry Luce, the owner of Time magazine, was Catholic and a member of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta. He has also long been suspected of having extensive dealings with the CIA and even possible involvement in the Kennedy assassination, as noted before here.

Luce
General Douglas MacArthur was surrounded by a group of far right military officers who became deeply involved in a host of post-war intrigues, as noted before here. Some of these officers, most notably Major General Charles Willoughby (who controlled all US intelligence in the Far East during WWII and maintained a stranglehold over that region of the world until MacArthur was removed from command in Korea), have also been linked to the Kennedy assassination, as noted before here.

Willoughby; according to Dick Russell in The Man Who Knew to Much "Sir Charles" was on good terms with at least one "former" Nazi whom Vereide and the Family intervened on behalf of: Hans Speidel 
It seems quite possible that Bob Pierce, the founder of World Vision, was familiar with MacArthur and his associates.
"Bob Pierce led YFC teams throughout Asia and became deeply involved in relief work in Korea. In 1950, he established World Vision, one of the largest missionary relief agencies."
(Spiritual Warfare, Sara Diamond, pg. 11)
Pierce
Pierce seems to have been in Korea during the time of the war. And of course MacArthur was initially the supreme commander in Korea with Willoughby as his chief of intelligence. As noted before, these two men were involved in spawning at least one religious movement during this time: the Unification Church. As noted in part three of this series Abram Vereide's good friend, Frank Buchman, also played a key role in establishing the Unification Church. And of course Bob Pierce was himself a close friend of Vereide's. But moving along.

Sun Myung Moon, founder of the Unification cult
The man who ultimately succeeded Vereide was a human being known as Douglas E. Coe. On the surface Coe was a surprise successor --hailing from a small town in Oregon, Coe seemingly made little impression prior to his 20s. He did, however, cut his teeth in evangelicalism via Dawson Trotman's worldwide ministry known as the Navigators.

The Navigators was founded shortly before the Family, in 1933. And like the Family, it seems to have forged close ties with the US military very early in the organization's history. Trotman and the Navigators were also one of the first evangelical groups to make use of Colorado Springs, a location that would became a major mecca for the Christian right by the end of the twentieth century in the United States. While all of this is most suggestive, this researcher has not been able to turn up much information on Trotman or the Navigators and thus it is difficult to determine what the nature of this organization truly was/is.


By all accounts Coe, despite his unremarkable background, displayed natural leadership abilities. He also displayed a ruthless ambition with more than a few fascist tendencies, not unlike Abram.
"Coe was as much of an elitist as Abram, but differently so. Aristocracy didn't impress him; more important, he never lied to himself about the virtues or lack thereof of the top men he was courting. Coe understood early on that he would be dealing with violent characters, and that didn't bother him. Indeed, it seemed to excite him. He dreamed of their power harnessed to the new American fundamentalism, a fascination with strength and influence given clearest voice in the words of one of his disciples, attempting to grasp Coe's vision. 'I have had a great and thrilling experience reading the condensed version of The Rise and the Fall of the Third Reich,' a protégé wrote Coe, following up on reading advice Coe had given him. 'Doug, what a lesson in vision and perspective! Nazism started with 7 guys around a table in the back of an old German Beer Hall. The world has been shaped so drastically by a few men who really want it such and so. How we need the same kind of stuff as a Hitler or a Lenin.'
"Abram had thought as much, albeit phrased in stuffier terms. 'An epochal opportunity is ours,' one of his tracts had advertised to the new men of his congressional Fellowship back in 1942, 'to control the future of America by the simple strategy of controlling the character and ideals of [a] relatively small minority of [college-age] men and women. Hitler long ago perceived this strategy, and established his elaborate system of... leadership training. The democracies have been asleep.' Indeed – asleep to the Hitler method of disciplining youth into a revolutionary cadre, a concept that absent the Fuhrer's bloodlust would lead to Abram's later support for groups such as the Navigators and Campus Crusade. Neither was fascist anymore than Coe actually subscribed to the philosophies of Hitler or Lenin. It was the myth of brotherhood that Coe thought such men exemplified, the '7 guys around a table' that would become a trademark of his teaching. That such a view bore little correspondence with history – both Hitler and Lenin brutally pitted their supporters against one another – was of no concern. What mattered was the model, the seven or the twelve, circles of access to a power defined by a personality at the center: Jesus. Contrasting American fundamentalism to secularism at a Fellowship meeting in 1962, Bill Bright, the Fellowship fellow traveler who founded Campus Crusade, one of the biggest popular fundamentalist groups in the world, put it succinctly: 'We worship a person, they worship ideas.' That was American fundamentalism's Christ: a person, purged of the ideas that defined him, as if what mattered most about Jesus was the color of his eyes and the shape of his beard.
"Coe understood the cult of personality better than Cliff Robinson and Dick Halverson. He may even have understood it better than Abram, who, after all, was moved first and foremost by 'the Idea.' Not Coe. For Coe, it was Jesus plus nothing – a formula into which he could plug any values. It was a theology of total malleability, perfect for American expansion."
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pgs. 216-217)
Indeed. And in the next installment we shall begin to consider the results of Jesus plus nothing. Stay tuned.

Friday, January 30, 2015

The Family Part IV


Welcome to the fourth installment in my ongoing examination of an organization variously known as "The Family" or "The Fellowship." Established in 1935 by a Lutheran minister named Abraham "Abram" Vereide, the Family became involved in political intrigues since its very inception. It quickly grew into an elite network of hardline Christians and wealthy doners that now spend hundreds of millions (and likely billions) on a host of causes in a given year. Every United States President since Dwight Eisenhower has attended the group's annual National Prayer Breakfast.

With the first installment of this series I considered the religious experience Vereide claimed lay behind the ideology of the Family as well as the group's origins after a "chance" encounter with a "former" military officers of some means the morning after Vereide's alleged experience. Part two addressed the group's early efforts in putting Arthur Langlie in office, first as the mayor of Seattle and later as Washington state's governor. Also addressed there are the possible ties the Family had with the FBI/military industrial security apparatus since the early days and the curious similarities between Vereide and Silver Shirt founder William Dudley Pelley.

The third and most recent installment began to address Vereide's pre-WWII fascist connections. Vereide flirted with Henry Ford for a time and developed ties with Dr. Frank Buchman, the founder of the Moral Re-Armament movement and vocal supporter of Nazi Germany. Buchman was the recipient of ample funding from Ford, who at the time was still employing William J. Cameron, a man some believe was the actual author of The International Jew and a key influence on the transformation of British Israelism into Christian Identity "theology." Also considered was the presence of arch fascist promoter Merwin K. Hart in the Family's inner circle. Hart would go on to be involved with a host of far right groups such as the American Security Council, the Congress for Freedom and the Liberty Lobby in the post-WWII years.

Hart
With this present installment I would like to consider Vereide's post-WWII efforts to save various Nazi and fascist collaborators as well as his efforts to guide the development of post-WWII Germany. Vereide seems to have been utterly convinced of the importance of this work as profound disillusionment set in during the waning years of World War II. As a proponent of a "New World Order" (as noted in part one), Vereide was initially supportive of the United Nations. This stance did not last long, however.
"A magnificent garden in the back grew upon the green ridge of Rock Creek Park, the narrow gorge that separated the property from the sculpted grounds of Dumbarton Oaks. It was there, in 1944 – the same year that Abram and his wife, Mattie, at last risen from her sickbed in Seattle, moved to the Christian Embassy – that Roosevelt and his advisers began planning the United Nations. Abram at first interpreted the United Nations as the result of divine intervention leading the secular world towards international acknowledgment that the truths of the world's religions were best summarized in the personality of Jesus. He turned his weekly congressional prayer meetings into lobbying sessions on the organization-to-be's behalf, and his most conservative prayer disciples – especially the old arch-isolationist Senator Arthur Vandenberg, converted to Cold War internationalism before World War II had even ended –  helped quiet American resistance to the endeavor.
"History, not his Christ, would disappoint Abram. After the war ended, after it dawned on him that the UN would not become an international Christian congress, after the atom bombs fell, after the Red Army boiled up to the edge of Western Europe and did not stop so much a simmer, waiting, Abram was certain, for  Stalin's command, for Satan's whisper – after he had taken stock of the war's victories and defeats, his anxieties and his enthusiasms grew more warlike than the UN could accommodate. Communism no longer meant the creed of insufficiently submissive worker; now it was as great and grand as Lucifer's kingdom, an evil empire that had launched 'World War III,' Abram decided. 'Most of these communists are in fact rebels and should be treated as rebels,' he said, waving the black flag of no mercy for those who disobey God – a sentiment his followers in developing nations would later make real by murdering hundreds of thousands of leftists.  Abrams fundamentalism was polite only within the confines of Washington; projected onto the world, it brought on violence and raised up those most capable of it."
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pgs. 156-157)

The presence of Arthur Vandenberg in Vereide's circle during this timeframe is most interesting. Vandenberg is generally credited as one of the chief architects of the UN. He was also keeping some very interesting company during that time.
"...  John Foster Dulles wormed his way into Republican politics by befriending Arthur Vandenberg, a staunch isolationist from Michigan. Vandenberg collaborated with Dulles on the foreign policy planks of the Republican platform in 1944. At Vandenberg's insistence, Dulles accompanied him to the San Francisco organizing meeting for the United Nations. Dulles quickly leaked information to the press on the bipartisan agreement, poisoning negotiations."
(The Nazi Hydra in America, Glen Yeadon & John Hawkins, pg. 120)
Vandenberg
Dulles was of course the Secretary of State under Eisenhower and the brother of Allen Dulles, the highly controversial director of the CIA from 1953 until 1961 who has been linked to a host of controversies including the MK-Ultra experiments and the Kennedy assassination. But moving along.

World War II had barely ended when Vereide began his ambitious program of "saving" the German people.
"In 1946, Abram undertook a mission to scour the Allied prisons in Germany for men 'of the predictable type' ready to turn their allegiance from Hitler to Christ, and thus, in Abram's thinking, America. In later years, Abram was say he had gone at the U.S. State Department's request, and while it's true that the State Department did send Abram and provide any support he needed, it was Abram who initiated the trip, writing to Undersecretary of State major John H. Hildring that the men of the Senate and House prayer groups had insisted that Abram carry 'the Idea' to defeated Germany. Abram sailed on the Queen Mary in June, launched  a prayer cell of Swiss bankers in Zürich, and flew from Frankfurt to Berlin on the private plane of General Joseph T.  McNarney, commander in chief of the U.S. Forces of Occupation, to meet with General Lucius D. Clay, soon to take over from Eisenhower as military governor. Everywhere he met with the 'Christian forces of Germany' – those who saw Germany suffering as penance for its embrace of the tolitarianism of a man rather than that of God. He found them all weeping, he wrote his wife, crying for their Fuhrer, for the thousand-year Reich in the grave at age twelve, for the dead and the missing and the blank-eyed boys who had stumbled home in retreat from the Russians. In the West he wept with them; in East Berlin, he prayed with 'secret cells' of Christians determined to overthrow communism. Even in the West, he believed 'atheistic devotees' of subversion – that is, those with strong anti-Nazi records, concentration camp survivors – had been elevated by an American military government blind to the threat posed by its eastern ally. 'Nominal membership' in the Nazi Party was being held against good Christians with the  necessary experience to govern. A coalition of leading German churchmen begged him to intervene, asking only that none the Christians be given authority.
"In Frankfurt Abram, with the churchmen and the pillars of the Third Reich to whom they introduced him, 'the most intelligent, honest and reliable people of Germany,' settled on a plan. They would provide Abram with a list of imprisoned men, 'war criminals' according to the view of a certain un-Christian element among the Allies. Abram's friends in the military government and back home in Washington would certify them as men not only to be released but to be used, according to their ability in the tremendous task of reconstruction. That September, U.S. secretary of state Jimmy Byrnes, under the advice of General Clay, delivered in Stuttgart a world-changing address, 'Restatement of Policy on Germany.' The burden of reparations would be lessened, Germany would be allowed to keep more of its industrial base, and the purge of National Socialism would soon come to an end: 'It never was the intention of the American government to deny the German people the right to manage their own internal affairs as soon as they were able to do so in a democratic way.'
"In Frankfurt, Abram claimed, God personally revealed to Abram a key man to  quietly help manage the internal affairs of Germany's elite: Dr. Otto Fricke, an austere  German churchman with an uncomfortable past..."
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pgs. 157-159)
Vereide
Let us consider some of Abram's "friends in the military government and back home" who assisted him in his bid to locate "key men" (see part one for an explanation of this concept as well as "the Idea") in the Third Reich for Germany's reconstruction. One of them was apparently the above-mentioned General Lucius Clay.

Clay's time as military governor in Germany has been much debated with some leaning towards a view that he genuinely sought to reform Germany but was hamstrung in these efforts by Operation Paperclip, an intelligence program in which the US recruited from the "talent pool" of the former Third Reich.
"General Lucius Clay was the man ultimately responsible for enforcing the denazification law. He was the military governor of the U.S. zone in Germany and served as commander in chief of  EUCOM and head of OMGUS. His views on denazification were far different from those of the intelligence officers involved with Paperclip. He was a hard-liner when it came to America's attempt to 'denazify' the entire German population and make them believers in democracy. 'Our job,' as I see it, 'is to see that only the right type of Germans are permitted to take leadership until democratic processes become a habit,'  Clay said.
"Clay strongly believed that all Germans, scientists included, needed denazification. Once he fired a scientific advisor who insisted the German scientists were not Nazis, an attitude that caused extreme friction in OMGUS. Clay complained bitterly to Assistant Secretary of State John Hilldring that the scientific adviser 'blamed Public Safety Branch severely for treating scientists as Nazis, even though the record is clear.' That record included the Dachau experiments conducted by scientists who were tried for murder in the Nuremberg Medical Case.
"Clay was getting criticism from both sides over how OMGUS was handling the  denazification of Paperclip recruits. On the one hand, The New York Times charged that Paperclip provided an escape route whereby ardent Nazis evaded the denazification process altogether. American officials in Europe generally absolved Clay of the blame. The critics told The Times that many of Clay's subordinates 'did not know what makes a Nazi or do not care so long as the German has good table manners, speaks good English and is efficient in the job assigned him.'
"On the other hand, military officers who recruited scientists for Paperclip in Germany were angry that US enforcement of denazification – stiffer than in the other three zones of Germany – hindered their recruiting efforts. Many Germans refused to sign Paperclip contracts because they were afraid that if they went to America prior to denazification, they risk being categorized as unemployable if they returned to Germany. Furthermore, competition was fierce, since the United States, Great Britain, France, and the USSR were all competing for the same man. The British offered the Germans a variety places they could go, including Canada, Australia, and Pakistan. The French offered higher pay. And, as one American officer noted, the Soviets offered everyone contracts, even Germans whose names were on automatic arrest lists.
"In this atmosphere JIOA officers were trying to solve two types of problem cases under Paperclip. The first group consisted of specialists ... who arrived in the United States before their denazification process even began. JIOA Governing Committee members suggested that General Clay handle these cases by trying the scientists in absentia. The scientists' Fragebogen  would be submitted to a court in Germany, while the scientist stayed in America. The JIOA Director Wev was afraid that pro-Communists might interrogate the scientists in court about their work in America if the group  was returned to Germany.
"But Clay's decision on the matter went even further than Wev's idea. He decided to forgo trials of any sort for Paperclip recruits. Clay noted the trials in absentia were not permitted even in cases of Nazis located in Germany. Special treatment like that would only draw attention to the project and indicate to the German people that special procedures would be used if American interests were involved. 'It would be much better to permit them to remain in the US as Nazis without bringing them to trial than to establish special procedures not now within the purview of the German law,' Clay concluded.
"Nevertheless, Clay's policy did in fact establish special procedures for the group. As one OMGUS official noted, 'we are, for the first time, removing a group of Germans from normal denazification process.' Paperclip policy already required US agencies to conduct background investigations of the scientists' Nazi past. Clay thought those investigations would exclude ardent Nazis from the group. But as noted earlier, the JIOA 'screeners' had turned those investigations into a farce.
"In the second type of cases, the JIOA officers brazenly flaunted of the law. This group involved scientists whose denazification process begun prior to their US entry. First, JIOA Director Wev asked Clay's personal adviser, Dr. Walter Dorn, to expedite the trials. Dorn was against the scheme because it contravened normal procedures. The Public Safety Branch did not think the request was unusual. Assigning of propriety of trials of individuals has been frequently carried out in the past so that it is almost routine,' Public Safety Branch officer G.F. Corrigan said.
"Perhaps expediting trials in special cases has become routine, as Corrigan said. What was not routine, however, was that once courts judged some of the scientists as ardent Nazis, the Germans quickly left for America while U.S. intelligence officers in Europe intervened in the court decisions."
(Secret Agenda, Linda Hunt, pgs. 96-98)
Clay
Some, however, have argued that Clay's attempts at "denazification" were never serious to begin with despite the motives of his subordinates.
"Both Clay and Murphy were largely responsible for convincing Truman that a punitive peace was unwise, and they immediately set about sabotaging the denazification program. Once the Kennan Doctrine emerged in 1946, Clay and Murphy both embraced it. Early in 1946, Gen. Clay banned dismantling German industrial plants for reparations. Both Clay and Murphy had a great influence in escalating the emerging Cold War. In 1948, Clay issued a warning to Washington that 'war may come with dramatic suddenness.' His frantic message came from an exaggerated threat assessment from Gehlen, claiming Soviets were mobilizing large numbers of troops in Eastern Europe. Gehlen was a former Nazi officer in charge of intelligence on the Eastern Front, recruited by OSS-CIA."
(The Nazi Hydra in America, Glen Yeadon & John Hawkins, pg. 354)
Reinhard Gehlen had developed an extensive intelligence apparatus that was known as the Gehlen Org or simply the Org. Gehlen and his minions would dominate the intelligence of West Germany for decades after the war despite his network being littered with Soviet agents (or perhaps triple agents...). The above-mentioned intelligence that Clay relied upon for his warning concerning the emerging Soviet threat has since proven to be grossly inaccurate and played a key role in escalating the growing confrontation between the US and USSR into the Cold War. Certainly the Family would not have objected to such developments.

Gehlen
In addition to Clay, Vereide seems to have had another Family friend who served as military governor of Germany. Journalist Jeff Sharlet notes:
"...  The cleansing of the American occupation government became an obsession, the subject of his meetings with the American high commissioner John J. McCloy and his weekly prayer meetings with congressman."
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pg. 177)
While the agenda of General Lucius Clay are somewhat ambiguous, the same cannot be said for the man who replaced him: John J. McCloy. Much has been written concerning McCloy over the years by conspiracy theorists, much of it highly debatable. But few would dispute that McCloy was a major power broker in his day.
"Many of the men Roosevelt appointed to head the executive-branch bureaucracies shared his internationalist outlook and were themselves important members of the 'eastern establishment.' The best example is John McCloy, who served as assistant secretary of war from 1941 to 1945. Once the war ended, he was the US high commissioner to Germany and held this position until 1952. He then served as chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank from 1953 to 1960, and as chairman of the Ford Foundation from 1958 to 1965. He was also a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation from 1946 to 1949, and then again from 1953 to 1958, before he took up the position at Ford. From 1954 to 1970, he was chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations, to be succeeded by David Rockefeller, who would work closely with him at Chase Bank. McCloy, in fact, had a long association with the Rockefeller family, going back to his early Harvard days, when he taught the young Rockefeller brothers how to sail. He was also a member of the Draper Committee, formed in 1958 by Eisenhower. He dedicated his life to liberal internationalism and to profits."
(The War State, Michael Swanson, pgs. 51-52)
McCloy
However David Rockefeller, in his biographer, painted his family's relationship with McCloy as rather strained.
"Given the similarity in our interest, I was disappointed that Jack and I never developed a close personal relationship. That may have been the result of the great differences in our early lives and a peculiar episode in Jack's that seems to have scarred him for life.
"Jack was born, as he often recalled, on 'the wrong side of the tracks' in Philadelphia. His father died when he was quite young, and it was only by dint of hard work and exceptional ability that he made his way through Amherst College and Harvard Law School, and on to a distinguished career.
"Despite his own great achievements, Jack seemed wary, perhaps even resentful, of what I appeared to represent in financial and social terms. Frequently at gatherings I attended, Jack related the story of his first contact with my family...
"Jack must have told the story in my presence a hundred times, the last time in 1985 when I succeeded him as chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations. The story always made me feel uncomfortable.
"Jack's inability to resist retelling this anecdote demonstrated ambivalence towards me and my family, maybe even latent hostility. His feeling was probably deepened by a comment Nelson was said to have made to him at the time he became chairman of Chase. Nelson reportedly told them the 'family had used its influence' to make him chairman and that one of his jobs was to ensure that 'David would succeed him when he retired.' It seems quite possible that Nelson made the comment or one quite similar to it. He could be quite high-handed and no doubt thought he  was doing me a favor. But if Nelson did make a statement of this kind, it certainly was not the result of a family decision or a request from me. It would have been highly inappropriate for anyone in the family to make such a demand. Unfortunately, if the story was true, it may have permanently altered Jack's attitude towards me.
"In any event, Jack's ambivalence may have been a factor in his refusal to play a more decisive role with the directors of the bank in selecting his successor in 1959. His indecisiveness, whether its cause, would have profound consequences for me personally and for the bank. Quite possibly Jack could never look at me without remembering the long, dusty walk up the hill in Seal Harbor and the big wooden door being close quietly but firmly in his face."
(Memoirs, David Rockefeller, pgs. 154-155)
the Rockefeller estate at Seal Harbor
The incident in question was a rebuff of McCloy by a Rockefeller servant after he had traveled a great length to offer his services as a tutor to the Rockefeller brothers while trying to work his way through college and law school. Thus, while McCloy seems to have been firmly in the Eastern Establishment camp, he was not as seemingly tied to the Rockefellers as he is generally depicted.

Few, however, would dispute that McCloy played a key role in the release of numerous high ranking Nazi war criminals.
"Following the outbreak of the Korean War, U.S. High Commissioner for Germany John McCloy moved rapidly to resolve the U.S.-West German dispute over the Landsberg prisoners. He handpicked a legal review commission to advise him on clemency for the inmates, and the group then spent the next six months poring over the various appeals and request for mercy filed on behalf of the convicts. McCloy's commission refrained from any contact with the US Nuremberg prosecutors, however, and declined to review documentary evidence of specific acts of Nazi criminality that had been brought to light during the prisoner's trials.
"McCloy announced the recommendations of this task force in January 1951, only a few days after Seoul had fallen to Communist forces. He began by acknowledging the 'enormity of the crimes' committed by the prisoners at Landsberg and called for stern measures against them. But he then went on to argue that in some cases there was a 'legitimate basis for clemency,' as he put it, for example, when the Landsberg prisoner's sentence 'was out of line with sentences for crimes of similar gravity in other cases' or when the convict had had 'relatively subordinate authority' during the war, or when other mitigating factors were present.
"McCloy ruled that five of the criminals, including Einsatzgruppen commander Otto Ohlendorf and concentration camp chieftain Oswald Pohl, had to hang. He then subsequently reduced the prison sentences of seventy-nine other major Nazi war criminals, most of whom were set free within a few months of the court's ruling. The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all the convicted concentration camp doctors; all the top judges who had administered the Nazis' 'special courts' and similar machinery of repression; fourteen of fifteen convicted criminals from the first Einsatzgruppen and concentration camp administration trial, seven of whom were released immediately; sixteen of twenty defendants and the second Einsatzgruppen mass murder case; and all of the convicted criminals in the Krupp corporation slave labor case, each of whom was released immediately.
"Equally important, McCloy's clemency decisions for the Landsberg inmates set in motion a much broader process that eventually freed hundreds of other convicted Nazi criminals over the next five years. Convicted I. G. Farben executive Fritz Ter Meer put the matter succinctly upon his release from Landsberg a few days after McCloy's clemency. 'Now that they have Korea on their hands, he quipped, 'the Americans are a lot more friendly. '"
(Blowback, Christopher Simpson, pgs. 191-192) 
Landsberg Prison
Keep Pohl in mind for we shall return to him in a moment. For now it is interested to note that McCloy allegedly informed John Loftus, a former prosecutor who is none the less something of a controversial source, that a certain religious authority pressured him to release any number of un-reconstructed Nazis, many of them with questionable pasts (to put it mildly).
"According to 1973 Thyssen corporate documents, Chase Bank secretly owns nearly a third of the Thyssen-Krupp Corporation, the wealthiest conglomerate in Europe. Both Thyssen and Krupp were convicted Nazi war criminals who are quietly released by John McCloy, the American High Commissioner Germany (HICOG). McCloy then became head of the Chase Bank. When I asked McCloy why he pardoned so many convicted Nazi war criminals, he claimed that he was pressured by the Vatican. McCloy, it should be recalled, also wrote the infamous wartime memo forbidding the bombing of Auschwitz."
(America's Nazi Secret, John Loftus, pg. 4 n5)
So much for McCloy. Besides the military governors of Germany, Vereide and the Family also had ample support in Congress for their endeavors in post-WWII Germany.
"'Humility begets power', Congressman Clyde Doyle of California preached to the prayer meeting convened by Abram to consider the problem of 'reconciliation' as V-Day approached. Let's take the gentleman from California at his word. Let us suppose that the politicians Abram gathered to dedicate themselves to the suffering of the German people – men such as Senator Alexander Wiley, the Wisconsin Republican who declared even Kennan's muscular manifesto 'panty-waist diplomacy'; Senator Homer Capehart, the Indianan who became the most vocal defender of former fascist 'rights' after the war; Representative Walter Judd, the ex-missionary from Minnesota; and Representative O.K . Armstrong, a jolly Missourian who thrilled to the sound of Bavarian oompah bands – were true believers, humble and powerful and eager to be of service for their suffering brethren.
"Consider Capehart, a Hoosier who'd invented the mass-production jukebox. 'The embodiment of Senator Snort with his vast paunch and triple chin, large cigar fixed permanently in his round face, Senator Homer Earl Kapor was a cartoonist's dream,' the South Bend Tribune would later eulogize him. Capehart was no Nazi; he was a Christian, a spiritual warrior, a red hunter, a vice president of Abram's organization, and a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations. Like Abram, Capehart only wanted to soothe the heartache of the most broken. 'The first issue' of the postwar situation, Capehart declared in a 1946 broadside against an unspecified 'vicious clique' within the Truman administration, 'has been and continues to be purely humanitarian.' Capehart spoke of the 'tragedy in Germany' – the rubble of Berlin, the empty stomachs of Hamburg – which such pathos that one might be forgiven for mistaking which side he had been on. Subsequent generations of neo-Nazis have done just that, endlessly recycling his speeches. 'Those who have been responsible for this deliberate destruction of the German state' – he meant not the policies of the Reich itself but Morgenthau's short-lived plan to 'pastoralize' the fatherland into a second infancy – 'and the criminal mass starvation of the German people have been so zealous in their hatred that all other interests and concerns have been subordinated  to this one obsession of revenge.'
"To Frankfurt and Berlin, Senator Snort and Abram and the Fellowship of the Senate dining room sent new suits, so the Germans could dust themselves off and emerge from the rubble clothed like gentlemen, and overcoats to protect them from the chill of the nation that burned what was left of its furniture to stay warm..."
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pgs. 168-169)
Capehart
And what of the Nazis themselves whom Abram intervened for? Certainly they are a most curious lot.
"... Men such as Hermann J. Abs, 'Hitler's banker' and a vice president of Abram's International Christian Leadership (ICL), German division; Gustav Schmelz, a manufacture of chemical weapons;  Paul Rohrbach, the hypernationalist ideologue whose conflation of Germany with Christianity, and most of Europe with Germany, had inspired the Nazis to understand their war-hunger as divine; and General Hans Speidel, who had accepted the surrender of Paris on behalf of the Fuhrer in 1940, insisted that he had never believed Hitler, had been forced into his arms by the Red Menace, and regretted the unfortunate alliance was such a vulgar fool , a disgrace to God's true plan for Germany. They had done nothing wrong; they, too, if one gave it some thought, were victims.
"Perhaps some of them were. This is one of the many clever strategies of fascism: persecution belongs to the powerful, according to its rules, both to dole out and to claim as the honor due martyrs. Abram did not ask questions; he simply took out his washcloth and got busy with the blood of the lamb. He scrubbed his 'new men' clean. Did it work?  Abs, 'Hitler's banker', became 'Adenauer's banker,' a key figure in the West German government's financial resurrection.  Schmelz kept his factory. Rohrbach wrote on, authoring tributes Abram's International Christian Leadership in the Frankfurter Allgemeine.
"And Speidel? He was a special case, a coconspirator with Rommel in the attempted assassination of Hitler, the 'July Plot' of 1944. There were something almost American about him; like Buchman, like Barton, he considered  Hitler's racial policies a distraction from his really good ideas. For this ambivalence, the Allies rewarded him: he served as commander in chief of NATO ground forces from 1957 to 1963, when Charles de Gaulle, unpersuaded of his reconstruction, insisted on his ouster.
"Such men are only a few of those whom Abram helped,  and by no means the worst....  there were 'little Nazis' Abram championed for U.S. intelligence positions, and there were big ones: Baron Konstantin von Neurath, Hitler's first foreign minister, General Oswald Pohl, the last SS commander of the concentration camps, among them. For those beyond hope of blank-slate reinvention, Abram and his web of Christian cells pled medical mercy (von Neurath, sentenced to fifteen years for crimes against humanity, was released early in 1953; Abram took up his case upon learning from von Neurath's daughter that her father, classified as a 'Major War Criminal,' was receiving less than exemplary dental care in prison) or expediency (it was unjust, they fell, the Pohl, who while imprisoned by the Allies wrote a memoir called Credo: My Way to God --a Christ-besotted  path that did not include acknowledging his role in mass murder – should be left wondering when he would be hanged).
"When occupation forces charged Abs with war crimes, he offered a novel defense. He did not deny what he had done for Hitler; he simply declared that he done it for money,  fascism be damned. He would gladly do as much for the Allies. And so he dig, a task of which he so excelled that he would come to be known as the wizard of the 'German Miracle.' His past was forgotten – a phrase that must be written in passive voice in order to suggest the gentle elision of history in the postwar years, undertaken by those eager to see a conservative German state rise from the ashes, a sober son of Hitler's fatherland that would inherit the old man's hatred for one radicalism but not his love of another.
"When, in 1982, the Simon Wiesenthal Center delivered to the public a massive case detailing Abs's crimes – among them the looting of the Third Reich's riches on behalf of Nazis fleeing to South America – Abs, not long retired from his spot at the helm of the Deutsche Bank, must have felt a sense of annoyed déjà vu. Would the world condemn his financial machinations for the glory of the Reich? Then it must also reject those on behalf of capitalism's easternmost bulwark in Europe, America's most crucial ally in the Cold War, the Federal Republic of Germany: a nation in which the past became the  crass obsession of 'materialists,' those who prefer brute 'memory' to more modern, more spiritual affairs."
(The Family, Jeff Sharlet, pgs. 165-168)
Pohl
As noted above, Pohl was one of the Nazis whom McCloy had intervened on behalf of. It was to be a brief one, however, as Pohl was ultimately hanged in 1951. McCloy was also apparently instrumental in setting up Abs in his plush postwar position.
"McCloy was advised that the Peck Commission: David Peck, a judge in the New York  Appellate Division; Fredrick Moran, chairman of the New York Board of Parole; and Brig. Gen. Conrad Snow. The Peck Commission was only authorized to reduce sentences, not to challenge the legal decision of guilt. While the Simpson Commission was limited to reviewing the trials held at Dachau, the Peck Commission was limited to the trials at Nuremberg.
"It was not until McCloy's appointment as High Commissioner that he opened the doors of Landsberg Prison. McCloy insisted until his death that releasing the war criminals was not politically motivated, but nothing could be further from the truth.
"The industrialists' trial, once considered of equal importance to the main Nuremberg Trial, ended because the Soviets blockaded Berlin. Even as the convicted directors of Krupp and IG Farben were being taken to Landsberg, they knew there was little prospect of serving their sentences. Germans and the fascists in America believed that they were just the innocent victims of left-wing fanatics. The Nazis' allies in the United States were successful in smearing the trial as such. In Landsberg, the prisoners settled into a comfortable routine. McCloy controlled his empire through weekly visits from his lawyers and business associates. He chose Herman Abs as his financial advisor. Abs, already 'rehabilitated' by Gen Clay, headed the Reconstruction Loan Corp.
"When McCloy arrived as High Commissioner, there already was a concerted drive to rebuild German industry as a bulwark against the Soviets. Abs informed McCloy that the key to Germany's recovery and cooperation was the release of the industrialists from Landsberg. McCloy also was told the same by Karl Blessing, a war criminal whom Allen Dulles saved. In fact, McCloy could have been told that by any German citizen."
(The Nazi Hydra in America, Glen Yeadon & John Hawkins, pgs. 368-369)
Abs
Its interesting to note that Abs would later go on to foil David Rockefeller's bid to establish a consortium in Europe on behalf of Chase Bank.
"While the development of a global branch network was critical to Chase's emergence as a multinational bank, so, too, was our ability to expand into other international financial areas, particularly investment banking. Lacking the needed expertise ourselves, we decided to form a consortium with some of our oldest European and British banking friends to provide international bond underwriting and loan syndication.
"We approached three banks in the Rothschild group. Since both Evelyn de Rothschild, chairman of L.M. Rothschild, and Leon Lambert, chairman of Banque Lambert (a Rothschild through his mother), were personal friends, I had positive initial conversations with them.
"At the same time we met with Hermann Abs, chairman of the Deutsche Bank in West Germany; Alfred Schaefer, chairman of the Union Bank of Switzerland; and Marcus Wallenberg of Sweden, whose family controlled the Stockholm Enskilda Bank. Of these three, only Wallenberg expressed interest and agreed to proceed. Abs and Schaefer, the two most powerful and influential European bankers of their day, were decidedly negative to the proposal. Despite that, we thought the combination of Chase, the Rothschild-related merchant banks, and the prestigious Enskilda Bank gave us substantial strength and was worth doing. After extensive negotiations with the leaders of the other institutions, I thought we had hammered out a firm deal. A press release was ready for distribution following a luncheon at Chase in the fall of 1966 at which the new bank was to be launched.
"Late in the morning of the appointed day, only hours before the announcement, Marcus Wallenberg, Jr., came to see me at my office at Chase Plaza. He was obviously distraught. As he stammered out his story, I learned why. Earlier that morning Marcus had paid a courtesy call on J.P. Morgan and Company, Enskilda's principal U.S. correspondent bank. Senior Morgan executives told him the proposed consortium bank was unacceptable to them and implied they would retaliate if Enskilda proceeded with the venture. Marcus had then called his father in Stockholm and received instructions to withdraw from the consortium. Despite my efforts to change his mind, young Marcus said he was sorry but his father's decision was final.
"When young Wallenberg announced Enskilda's withdrawal at the lugubrious luncheon, the aristocratic Evelyn de Rothschild responded by saying that without the Swedish bank, L.M. Rothschild was not prepared to sign the final papers, either. Although I suggested we delay a decision to see if we can find another European commercial banking partner, it was painfully clear that our plan for a Chase-led consortium had fallen apart. I heard later that both Abs and Schaefer had put pressure on Wallenberg and the Rothschild group to withdraw from the venture. The Europeans were simply not going to allow a large and aggressive US commercial bank into their territory without a fight. My desire to create an investment banking vehicle for Chase would have to wait."
(Memoirs, David Rockefeller, pgs. 206-208)
Rockefeller
Abs was heavily indebted to the Family, which does not seem to have had especially cozy relations with the Eastern Establishment. The move by Abs to block the Rockefeller-led Chase from gaining ground in Europe may have been a part of the ongoing domestic struggle between the Eastern Establishment and the military-industrial complex. This conflict was addressed at greater length here.

So, what of Operation Paperclip? Did the Family play some type of role in it? At this point it is well known that the Vatican was deeply involved in this project. As noted above, John J. McCloy allegedly claimed his pardoning of numerous Nazis was the result of pressure brought to bear by the Vatican. But at the same time the Holy See was breathing down McCloy's neck, the High Commissioner was also meeting with Vereide. Was the Family working in conjunction with the Vatican? Unfortunately, this question has not yet been seriously explored by researchers with more resources than your humble author.

And it is here that I shall wrap things up for now. In the next installment we shall begin to consider some of the Family's postwar efforts, in which the years the group spent accumulating power began to pay off. Stay tuned.